Douglas Wilson’s Letter From Moscow

Property and Love for the Poor

Douglas Wilson
Blog and Mablog
September 23, 2014
I have written a great deal on how the framework provided by biblical ethics honors and preserves the institution of private property. The argument is not complex. Just as “thou shalt not commit adultery” presupposes and honors the institution of marriage, so also “thou shalt not steal” presupposes and honors the institution of private property.

The private property that is honored is that which comes to a man through the ordinary processes. “Or saith he it altogether for our sakes? For our sakes, no doubt, this is written: that he that ploweth should plow in hope; and that he that thresheth in hope should be partaker of his hope” (1 Cor. 9:10). God is the one who gives us the power to get wealth (Dt. 8:18), and it comes up to us from the ground. It does not float down upon us from the state.

We learn the principle when learning to love the haves — but it applies even more to the have nots. When a people are being liberated from covetousness, envy, and the larceny resident in every socialist scheme, they need to learn to mortify this sin in the presence of a neighbor who has manicured lawns, a red convertible, and a beautiful wife (Ex. 20:17). Learning what love means in this instance means learning how to hate the covetousness that arises so easily under every human sternum. Love that is the fulfillment of the law (Rom. 13:10) is a love that does no harm to its neighbor. Listed among the things that are harmful and destructive to our neighbor is covetousness (Rom. 13:9). This is why it is so necessary to elect men who fear God and hate covetousness (Ex. 18:21). And it should go without saying that you can’t hate covetousness if you don’t even know what it is.

But we must insist on something else. Mortifying covetousness is not just a blessing to the fat cats. In his magnificent book The Mystery of Capital, Hernando de Soto demonstrates how a societal refusal to recognize property rights by means of honoring and protecting clear title is one of the central reasons why poor people are locked in grinding poverty. Where property is not respected, property (whenever it is acquired) hides. And when property hides, it cannot come out into the daylight and do useful work. The useful work it could do is that of lifting the people involved out of poverty. But in order for property to be able to do this most beneficent thing, it has to be able to come out into public view and not be assaulted or confiscated. In short, property must be safe, and it cannot be safe whenever the people are envious and covetous.

This is why we must love liberty and hate every form of coercive theft. Making that coercive theft “legal” by sanctioning it society-wide only serves to make everything far worse. Legalizing activities prohibited by the Ten Commandments does not successfully whitewash the sin. If something is perfectly appalling, we do not fix it by nodding sagely and saying, “You know, the ways their laws are structured . . .”

Douglas Wilson’s Letter From Moscow

Stuff Inviolate

Douglas Wilson
Blog and Mablog
Sept 13, 2014
I have been arguing that property rights are human rights. I have been insisting that it is not possible to love your neighbor without respecting his stuff. I have been saying that the commandment thou shalt not steal presupposes the institution of private property in just the same way that the prohibition of adultery presupposes marriage. And in the same way, I cannot honor the command not to covet my neighbor’s wife if I cannot come up with a definition of “wife.”

But there has been some surprising pushback on this simple idea, so let us dig a little deeper.

So what do I mean by property? Within the boundaries of the law of God, property entails the authority to retain or dispose of material goods without the permission of another. If you are renting something, or leasing it, you do not have the right to dispose of it in the same way you would if you owned it. When you rent a car, you are answerable to someone else for the use. When you own a car, you can paint the passenger door turquoise if you wish.

This means that all property is ultimately God’s. He owns the cattle on a thousand hills (Ps. 50:10), and the earth is the Lord’s and all that it contains (Ex. 9:29; Dt. 10:14). So God is the only absolute owner of property, and in reference to Him, we are all stewards. We will all give an accounting to Him for what we have done with the goods He has entrusted to us.

So my argument does not neglect this relativization of property in the sight of God, but merely insists that no creature — especially including kings, parliaments, congresses, and presidents — may usurp and supplant God in this role.

This is why Jesus can tell the rich young ruler to give all his goods to the poor (Matt. 19:21), and if he did not do it, he was stealing in the eyes of God. At the same time, he would not be stealing in the eyes of man — any more than a lustful man could be charged with adultery in our courts, or a spiteful man with murder, despite the words of Jesus (Matt. 5:28; Matt. 5:21). We must, always and everywhere, maintain the distinction between sins and crimes.

“Will a man rob God? Yet ye have robbed me. But ye say, Wherein have we robbed thee? In tithes and offerings” (Mal. 3:8).

Tithes went, in part, to the poor. The same thing would be true of offerings. And offerings were entirely voluntary — but a man could rob God by refusing to offer them. He would be guilty before God of the sin of theft (greed, covetousness, and so on). But he would not be guilty of the crime of theft. Consider the case of Ananias and Sapphira (Acts 5:1). Peter told them that they could have sold their land, kept all the proceeds at home, sitting on top of the pile cackling like Scrooge McDuck, and they would not have bought the farm, so to speak.

“Whiles it remained, was it not thine own? and after it was sold, was it not in thine own power? why hast thou conceived this thing in thine heart? thou hast not lied unto men, but unto God” (Acts 5:4).

After he sold it, was it not within his power? Yes — as far as the authority of fellow creatures could reach. But could he do whatever he wanted with it, and not have to answer to God? No, of course not.

And this is what I am arguing. When any creaturely entity assumes the prerogatives of the Deity, assuming the power of control over the property of others, that entity has become lawless and wicked. And the Bible does not say, “Thou shalt not steal, except by majority vote.” The Bible does not countenance the notion that two coyotes and a sheep can form a rudimentary democracy, and then vote on what’s for lunch.

If I am walking down the street and encounter someone begging alms, and I have twenty bucks in my wallet, and I receive an unmistakable burden from the Lord to give him that twenty bucks, and I suppress the impulse and walk on, am I being disobedient? Yes. Am I robbing God? Yes. Am I robbing the beggar? No. For if I were, he would have the right to chase me down and take the twenty bucks.

If a woman had her purse snatched by a bicyclist, and fifteen minutes later she pulls into a drugstore parking lot, and that same bicycle is outside with her purse hanging on the handle bars — the thief having run inside to buy smokes with some of her dollars — is she stealing if she takes her purse back? Of course not.

We must learn to distinguish that which is sin in the eyes of God, and that which should be a crime in the eyes of man and God. Being a selfish pig is a sin, but must not be made a crime. If we outlaw “being a selfish pig,” I have ten dollars here that says that within two weeks this crime of selfish piggery will be vigorously policed (and fined) by tribunals made up entirely of selfish pigs.

When we make something a crime without scriptural justification, and penalize it, we invert the order of God. When we make property ownership a crime, and fine people heavily for being guilty of it, we have a society as corrupt and as mendacious and as greedy as . . . well, as our own.

If we love people, if we love our neighbors, we will consider their stuff inviolate. We will form governments that respect our neighbors’ property as much as we ourselves do. But as it is currently, we form the kind of government we now have because we the people have larceny in our hearts. We are governed by thieves who represent us well.

Douglas Wilson’s Letter From Moscow

What Became of the Witty Pirate Then

Douglas Wilson
Blog and Mablog
September 6, 2014
Because taxes can be a form of theft, and because taxes need not be theft at all, a reasonable question to ask is how we can tell the difference.

The baseline, the starting point, is that property belongs to the individual. He is the one that Thou shalt not steal applies to. He is the one with the house, the vineyard, the lawn mower, the wallet, the smart phone, and so on. Whenever the Bible talks about property, it always talks about it two categories. The first is God’s absolute ownership of all things (Dt. 10:14), and the second is the relative ownership that you and your neighbor enjoy (Dt. 8:18). When we talk about the state possessing things, this possession is derivative. The state extracts value from the taxpayer, the appointed steward of God’s wealth, and this extraction can also be divided into two categories. This value can be extracted lawfully, or the state can play the role of the thief. So how are we to tell the difference?

We know that taxation can be done right because the Bible talks about paying taxes to the one to whom it is due (Rom. 13:7). These are taxes that we owe, and are not to be considered theft at all. We should no more chafe at paying our legitimate taxes than we do paying our bill for satellite television. There are taxes we do not owe, but ought to pay anyway, having more important things to do. This is the meaning of what Jesus teaches Peter — we don’t owe it, but go ahead and pay it (Matt. 17:24-27). And then there are other circumstances where the illegitimate taxes have become so onerous, and the justification for them so outlandish, and tax courts have beclowned themselves to such an extent, that the Lord raises up a left-handed means for the children of Israel to pay their tribute (Judges 3:15-19).

Now I am not issuing any kind of call to action, other than the action of understanding what the heck occurreth. It is long past time for us to be sons of Issachar, understanding the times and knowing what Israel should do (1 Chron. 12:32). In our circumstance, deliverance would be ours if most of us came to the simple recognition that our ruling elites are governing unlawfully. They are illegitimate.

So this brings us back to the question raised at the top. How do we tell what kind of taxation is challenging the law of God as opposed to the taxation that is in line with the law of God? There are three basic criteria.

First, the level of taxation must not rival God (1 Sam. 8:15). God claims a tithe, and if that is all God needs, and if God is a jealous God, then we ought to see any attempt on the part of civil government to go past ten percent as an aspiration to Deity. This is the perennial temptation for fallen man (Gen. 3:5), particularly for rulers of all kinds (Is. 14:13), and so that temptation must not be funded. Cutting off the government at 9% is like refusing a third Scotch to a wobbly tavern-goer at 1 am. Shouldn’t be controversial.

Second, the taxes need to be levied, in the main, so that the rulers can perform the functions that God requires them to perform. Coercion is a big deal, and so the government must only be allowed to exercise it when they have express warrant for what they are doing. If they have express warrant to hunt down murderers, and they do, then they have express warrant to collect money to pay for the men to do this. They are God’s deacon of justice, and the deacon of justice needs to be paid just like the rest of us (Rom. 13:4). They are not allowed to collect fees to pay for activities that are prohibited to them. If they are not allowed to do it in the first place, they are not allowed to tax us to pay for it. To do so would be theft.

Third, the taxes must be lawful and in accordance with the established constitution of the people. Arbitary and capricious government, when the constitution outlaws arbitrary and capricous government is hypocritical. It sits in judgment upon us in points of law, and contrary to the law commands us to be struck. Since I have no particular person in mind, I may feel free to echo Paul’s sentiment about this without overstepping any personal boundaries — the men who do this are a whited wall (Acts 23:3).

If a tax bill originates in the Senate, nobody needs to pay it. If a resident of North Dakota receives a tax bill from the state of Maryland, he may feel free to round file it, and to do so with a serene conscience. If a man is taxed by a body in which he has no representation, then it is an illegal tax, and it doesn’t really matter how many judges or congressmen were complicit in the illegality.

So then, in summary, taxes are theft when the government is aspiring to be god in the lives of its subjects, when the government is refusing to do what the real God requires of them and is doing something else instead, usually something very expensive, and when the government is not obeying its own legitimate processes for levying taxes.

Last point. Note that I am not arguing for any action other than the simple action of recognition. Our government is a thief, but the government is a thief that cares deeply and profoundly about respectability. They not only want to pillage with immunity, they want to do it with legitimacy. Sorry. It is not as though there is a certain number of pirate ships that magically reach the quorum of a nation state.

When you get lots of pirate ships, what do you have? This is not a trick question. You have a pirate fleet. You have lots of pirates.

Augustine records a time when a pirate was captured and brought before Alexander the Great. The pirate asked why he was styled a pirate for doing to ships what Alexander was doing to countries, and, despite this, Alexander was styled a great emperor.

History is silent as to what became of the witty pirate then, but his question did have a certain resonance. Secular man, with covetous loins, hands and brains, has not yet been able to answer it. There is,  however, a stiff fine for raising it in inappropriate ways.

Douglas Wilson’s Letter From Moscow

On Pirate Ship Governance

Douglas Wilson
September 1, 2014

I have been arguing that Christians need to learn how to stand for liberty, but in order for this to happen they must first learn what it is. And when this happens, they will find themselves saying some outrageous things, like I am about to do.

Human rights — which everyone is automatically in favor of — are nonsensical and absurd unless we have a robust understanding of property rights. Property rights are human rights. In our age, we understand that human rights are a grand and glorious thing, but we are bewildered when it comes to the crucial matter of property. We are entirely in favor a birthday cakes, but are dubious and confused about the concept of cake batter.

First, some history. In 1772, the first statement by the colonial Committees of Correspondence was released. Samuel Adams is credited with being the primary force behind that statement, and it begins by itemizing the rights of the colonists as men. The first right was the right to life, the second was liberty, and the third was property. The echo we hear in the Declaration four years later is obvious. We are endowed by our Creator with certain inalienable rights, and among them are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The pursuit of happiness is therefore grounded in our ability to own property.

But how may a free people, whose rights of property are duly respected, fund the costs of government? We all agree that taxes are a necessity, so how may taxes be levied on a free people? The fundamental principle is that because property is an unalienable right, this means that property can only be released by the consent of the owner, either directly or by his representative in the legislature. This is why taxation without representation is tyranny. The property that the government acquires from a people without their consent is therefore theft.Uncle Sam Thief

The whole point of government is the protection and preservation of property. If we call life and liberty our car, property is the fuel pump.

“That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.”

Note that governments do not grant us these rights. Our rights are given by our Creator. Governments are created by the people in order to secure the rights we already have. Governments do not bestow rights upon anyone. Their sole duty is to recognize and protect them.

Now in order to have these rights granted to us by a Creator — follow me closely here — there has to be a Creator. One of the first steps in robbing us of our heritage of political liberty was spreading the insidious and morbid joke of Darwinism. Little bits of protoplasmic froth on the ocean of evolutionary development don’t have any rights to speak of.

Now when government becomes destructive of the central point, the telos of protecting our property, certain things follow from their destructiveness.

“That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it.”

That’s a tall order, and a big responsibility. In subsequent installments, I am going to be making some very practical suggestions. But the first thing — and it is a very necessary first step — is to get our minds around what has happened to us. How is our current government funded? As Hillary Clinton once famously put it, it takes a pillage.There are many examples of this, but our staggering deficit is saddling our great grandchildren with a gargantuan debt, and our great grandchildren don’t have any representatives in Congress. They are being burdened with obligations they have not consented to. That means that our irresponsibility and prodigality are our instruments for enslaving them. Not only so, but some progressives among us have the immortal gall to say that we are doing what we are doing “for the children.”

We are currently living under a form of government that our Constitution was explicitly designed to prevent. We are told ad nauseam that we are a free people, while at the same time our administrative managers, our ruling elites, reserve to themselves the right to dictate to us pretty much anything that comes into their heads. They walk the corridors of power with the demeanor you might expect from such little gods.

When the colonists successfully faced down Parliament over the Stamp Act, and it was reluctantly  withdrawn, Parliament at the same time passed the Declaratory Act, which in effect said that while Parliament was rescinding the law, they were not rescinding the principle. Just so you know, “we reserve the right to be tyrannical at any time.”

In this context, the first lesson we have to master is the lesson of understanding what is happening to us. We cannot put any solutions into effect unless and until we understand the problem. The problem is arbitrary administrative government, which is quite a different thing than representative free government.

Obviously it is a sin to steal, and it is not a sin to be stolen from. The first part is flat prohibited in Scripture (Ex. 20:15; Eph. 4:28), and the second part is intuitively obvious. Better to be wronged than to do wrong. But when making this point that it is not a sin to be stolen from, we are talking about someone sneaking into your garage at two in the morning and taking your bicycle. It is not wrong to be wronged in this way.

Our current sin is found in the way we are being stolen from. When God prohibits stealing, this assumes the institution of private property. When God prohibits adultery, what is in the background? Unless there is such a thing as marriage, you cannot have adultery. Adultery is defined as violation of marriage vows. In the same manner, stealing is violation of someone’s right to remain in possession of their own property.

So the requirement here is to learn a little blunt force honesty with yourself. It is not a sin to write a big check to the government. It is not a sin to be stolen from. It is a sin to write that check, so that a couple dozen bureaucrats can go down and pee it into the Potomac, and you tell yourself that you are just “doing your share.” That is the sin of being delusional when God has required us to be clear-headed. It is a sin to believe that our government is anything other than a pirate ship of the thieves, by the thieves, and for the thieves. It is a sin to go on believing the lies when we have no good reason to.

In short, the first step for the Christian taxpayer is the same as what you find in addiction recovery groups. First you have to admit you have a problem.

Basic Economics

What God has Given, Let Not Man Wrest

The Pope has come out recently, criticizing the market economy.  His public ruminations are, to put it baldly, silly.  He has done our Lord and the Christian faith no honour in this instance.

To go to the heart of the problem, the Law of the Living God grants ownership and protection to the property of those made in His image–aka, human beings.  He prohibits us stealing the property of others (the Eighth Commandment).  He also prohibits us coveting what others have (the Tenth Commandment).  These two commandments, amongst other things, exclude (in the sense of condemning) the rulers, powers, and authorities intruding into the “stuff” of citizens, taking what they see fit, and enforcing distribution to others.

In a nutshell, these two commandments prohibit all forms of socialism–that horribly pagan idea which proposes that society (the community, the governing authorities, the rich and powerful, the Collective, the Politburo, etc.) is the ultimate and final owner of everything and that private ownership rights are always only at the final pleasure of the Collective.  In his decrying the market economy, the Pope was siding with socialistic doctrines whereby some other authority (state, church, “society”) has prior ownership of Mrs Smith’s garden spade, and can–for whatever reason or pretext–requisition it.

The Ahabs and Jezebels of this world are forbidden wresting  vineyards and spades from the Naboths

Now, we know that this is not what the Pope actually said.  He spoke of the inequities of wealth–by which he meant some people and nations were “filthy rich” whilst others were starving.  Some people have too much property; others have not enough.  Something has to be done to close the gap.  But such arguments in principle lay a higher claim to Mrs Smith’s garden spade, provided the exigencies of the day are severe enough (such as no-one else in the village having a spade, only Mrs Smith) and are grounded in the notion that the spade really belongs to the “original owner” of all things, which is the Collective.)   Such nostrums are transgressions of the Law of God.    

The free market economy is an adjunct of property ownership rights.  Because Mrs Smith really does own the spade–it is her property–she can decide what to do with it–whether to keep it, sell it, or donate it to the village.  The Ahabs and Jezebels of this world are forbidden wresting  vineyards and spades from the Naboths (I Kings 21).  If any Christian fails to stand for such truths, he or she is going to have a hard time arguing that the commandments prohibiting lying (the Ninth), and adultery (the Seventh) and requiring honour for parents (the Fifth) still apply as God’s Law.  Maybe these too should be subsumed under the “higher” authority of the Collective.

Allister Heath, writing in the NZ Herald, explains why the Pope’s understanding of Christian economics is deficient.

There can be no doubt that Pope Francis is a devoted and selfless man who has dedicated his life to serving others. A phenomenal theologian, he abhors war and poverty and is an inspiration to hundreds of millions of believers.

He has gained widespread respect even among those who disagree with the Catholic church’s teachings.
So it is with great sadness that I must take exception to the Pope’s views on economics and business. His hostility to capitalism, shared by the Church of England, is tragically misplaced. He has repeatedly savaged free markets, most recently at a Vatican conference this week, and aligned himself with the views of Thomas Piketty, the intellectual who obsesses about inequality and advocates crippling taxes on income and wealth.
In one key intervention, the Pope claimed that the “absolute autonomy of markets” was a “new tyranny”. It was a strangely inaccurate vignette of the modern economic system, which is characterised by not-so-free markets that are routinely bailed out, subsidised, taxed, capped, fettered, regulated and distorted by activist governments and their monetary and fiscal policies.

North Korea is a genuine tyranny; free trade and genuine free markets are anything but.

It gets worse, unfortunately. At the height of Pikettymania, and before many leading economists punched holes in the French economist’s thesis, the Pope took to his Twitter account to state, without any caveats or context, that “inequality is the root of social evil”. He was clearly referring to differences in financial outcomes and wealth – and crucially, not to poverty or to inequalities of opportunity, both very different concepts.

In any free society characterised by private property rights and folks endowed with differing tastes, ambitions, talents and aspirations, there will inevitably be a divergence in earnings and wealth. Francis’ wholesale condemnation of inequality is thus tantamount to a complete rejection of contemporary economic systems. It is not a call for reform, or for moderation, but a radical denunciation.

The logical conclusion of the Pope’s tweets is that it is “evil” for the likes of Sir Richard Branson to have been allowed to keep the money he earned by providing the public with goods and services, and that we need immediate equalisation through punitive taxes. Such an extreme view would have catastrophic consequences, annihilate incentives to work, save and invest and halt the progress of human civilisation.

The Pope’s latest critique this week was equally unfounded, blaming speculators for high food prices. “The few derive immense wealth from financial speculation while the many are deeply burdened by the consequences,” he said, claiming that “speculation on food prices is a scandal which seriously compromises access to food on the part of the poorest members of our human family”.

Francis’ predecessor, Benedict XVI, made similar comments, as have many pressure groups, but food prices have actually been falling recently. The truth is this: speculators are not to blame for high (or low) prices over any meaningful period of time; there is no genuine, robust statistical evidence to back up the Pope’s claims and any profits traders make do not come at the expense of the poor.

Those who buy and sell and seek to predict the future perform a crucial and legitimate social function; without them, the economy would lurch from over-supply to under-supply. Markets would be horrendously opaque and illiquid, with some consumers paying far more than others for identical products. When the price of food goes up, it means experts collectively feel demand will rise or supply will fall; thanks to such speculation, market prices are the best possible early warning signal. They allow farmers to plant more of the right kinds of crops, and futures markets allow them to insure themselves against price changes. Food is relatively expensive because it is relatively scarce. Many countries are becoming richer and thus consuming more of it – which is wonderful – and more agricultural land is being used to produce biofuels and ethanol. Yet we have coped: technological progress, fuelled by entrepreneurial innovation, has made agriculture immensely more productive.

Over time, it is these trends which determine the cost of our lunch and dinner, not traders.

Of course, the system can break down. Bubbles can appear: quantitative easing and ultra-low interest rates have pushed up a variety of asset prices over the past few years; too much money is chasing too few commodities. The Pope also recently slammed “trickle-down” economics – in fact a caricature of free-market arguments – in scathing but equally incorrect terms. “There was the promise that once the glass had become full it would overflow and the poor would benefit. But what happens is that when it’s full to the brim, the glass magically grows, and thus nothing ever comes out for the poor,” he said. It is hard to reconcile such a baffling statement with recent economic history. Even the poorest among us today have access to medical technologies which the richest of the rich couldn’t even have dreamed of a century ago. The number of people living in extreme poverty in emerging markets has collapsed from half the population in 1981 to 21 per cent in 2010. A giant new global middle class has emerged in China, India, Africa and Latin America.

Yet no real free marketeer believes that growth alone is enough to solve all problems. In the West, wages are under pressure and youth unemployment elevated, among myriad other urgent issues.

The solutions are complex; they include boosting entrepreneurship, improving education and more flexible labour markets. They certainly do not involve wholesale, ill-informed attacks on the market economy.

Religious groups have a central role to play in improving society: they can promote self-control, civility, respect and ethical behaviour, and help to reduce fraud, manipulation and other illegal activity in all spheres of human action. They can remind their followers that there is more to life than merely accumulating goods, and that reading, learning and thinking are wonderful things.

They ought to emphasise the oneness of humanity, and thus help remove protectionist barriers which prevent people from poor countries from selling their wares to richer countries. The task is immense.

But unthinkingly to fight capitalism – the greatest alleviator of poverty ever discovered – makes no sense.
The sooner the world’s great religions learn to love the wealth-creating properties of the market economy, the sooner they will be able to harness them to make the world a better place.

Allister Heath is editor of City A M

Modern Property Rights

Glory and Ignominy

The bloodless revolution–otherwise known as the Glorious Revolution–of 1688 in England has often been celebrated as one which rejected absolute government and replaced it with a government of limited and mutually balanced powers.  But it also represented much more.   Historian, Christopher Dawson has a theory:

It is true that the Revolution of 1688 was apparently a defeat for the principle of Toleration since it was directed against the Declaration of Indulgence, and demanded the reinforcement of the Test Act and the Penal Laws.  Actually, however, it marks the end of the attempt to base society on a religious foundation, and the beginning of the progressive secularization of the English state.

According to John Locke, the philosopher of the Revolutionary Settlement, the prime duty of the Government is not to defend the Christian faith, but to secure the rights of private property, “for the sake of which men enter into society.”  Thus, as Lord Acton says, the English Revolution substituted “for the Divine Right of Kings the divine right of Freeholders.”  For two centuries and more England was to be the Paradise of the Man of Property. [Christopher Dawson, Progress and Religion: An Historical Enquiry (London: Sheed and Ward, 1945),  p. 188.]

It is arguable that Locke was one of the great apostles of secularism.  However much he and his colleagues spoke about god, in fact his deistic theology meant that the deity he was invoking was nothing more than a warranting concept, a sky-hook from which to hang his notions of freedom and property.  Deism proclaims an “absent God”, Deus Abscondis : therefore, Deism is in practice, if not in principle, a thoroughly secular world-view.

But history relentlessly works out the implications of bad philosophies, because human history is a collective expression of the human heart.
  According to Locke, the absolute duty of government is to secure the rights of private property.  But what is “private property”.  In one sense, it is anything which man is.  For example,  his own body can be cast as his property, thereby securing the “right” to abort unborn children [via the assertion of a woman’s (property) right to her own body], and the duty of government to secure that right.

Moreover, the individual’s desires, aspirations, ambitions, and goals can all be re-cast and framed as the “property” of a human being, thereby securing the right to pursue such and the duty of government to ensure that each citizen has the wherewithal and resources to pursue their ambitions and dreams.  Hence, the emergence of such doctrines as the duty and role of the state to ensure equality of opportunity, through providing healthcare, education, a minimum wage, and so forth. Gradually these have all emerged as property rights which the state has to enforce. 

Still further, one’s identity and personality must also be considered one’s sovereign property.  Therefore, the state has a duty to ensure that each individual gets to enjoy and express the property of his identity and, most latterly, his or her or its sexual preferences.

Locke’s Deus Abscondis has proved no defence for the rights of property.  From the beginning it was implicitly secular and masked the eventual diabolical perversion and progressive enslavement of society.  Locke’s doctrines have morphed into the modern secular state which disrespects, if not loathes, the commandments, “Thou shalt not steal” and “Thou shalt not covet”–all in the name of securing and protecting the “property” of citizens. 

Since the perverse fruits of Lockean deism are now evident on every hand, those who stand up to call our secular society back to Locke’s (antiquated and excessively narrow) doctrines of private property represent a quaint anachronism.  They represent neither challenge nor threat to the modern soft-despotic state.  But the Christian, on the other hand, does.  The Christian calls for the death of secularism and a return to the God of the Law, Who is infinitely angry at all lawbreakers, including those who violate and twist the Eighth and Tenth Commandments.  It is only as we repent and return to Him that the true blessedness and dignity of property can be enjoyed by all, not as owners, but as the stewards of God’s good gifts, to Whom we will all give account. 

The Fundamentals of the Labour Market

Ravening Pity

NZ Initiative has been producing some excellent pieces on the fundamentals of economics, markets, employment, production, consumption–that is, pieces about what consumes the majority of the average citizen’s time, effort, and attention.  These pieces, therefore, have a good deal to say about life and living. 

The philosophical approach of NZ Initiative draws heavily upon Adam Smith, and can be categorised as representing the classical liberal ideological corner.  This is a strength.  Adam Smith and his intellectual colleague, John Locke have much to teach us.  Moreover, much of what is wrong with the dominant mindset of the day with respect to economics–that is, the majority of peoples’ lives and focused attention–is due to them having never learned or having forgotten what the classical liberal scholars have taught. 

From the Christian perspective, Smith and Locke have taken some constructs of the Scriptures, but wrenched them out of the biblical narrative, and settled them within a deistic framework.  They made property rights the fundamental construct of a mechanistic world set in place by a god, but left to run as a self-perpetuating machine.  Without a true foundation and a biblical construct, the world-view of Smith and Locke cannot be sustained–which is precisely what has happened with the downstream developments and effects of classical liberalism.  By making property right an absolute, Smith ironically set in place the destruction of property rights by subsequent generations–which is where we are now. 

Nevertheless, Smith has much to teach the modern world–with necessary qualifications and reconstruction notwithstanding.  NZ Initiatives piece on “L is for Labour Market” provides a powerful illustration of that.

‘L’ is for labour market

‘The labour market’ refers to all the places where firms look for people to hire, and where workers look for job opportunities. It exists because firms need workers and workers need jobs.

Employers need workers who will do the work at an affordable wage, while workers need jobs that pay an acceptable wage to meet their needs.

So both sides need to search for what they want, and employers have to compete with other employers while workers have to compete with other workers.

The labour market is thus like any other market.  It consists of thousands upon thousands of people wanting to sell their labour (their blood, sweat, toil, energy, creativity,  insights, etc.) to thousands upon thousands of employers owning and operating business enterprises.  Once this is granted, all the impersonal economic forces and constructs of a market are recognised as being in play: supply, demand, price, elasticity, equilibrium–and so forth.   But, if this is not granted, the economic forces of the labour market remain in play, but inevitably the participants and the authorities seek to work against the dynamics of a free labour market to exploit their own position, to the detriment of most. 

The employment contract is a deal between a willing employer and a willing worker about what the worker will do for the employer, and what the employer will do for the employee. The agreed wage is part of the deal, but as with any market, the outcomes of labour markets offend some notions of virtue and fairness.

The outcomes of all markets offend some people all of the time, and all people some of the time.  That’s because notions of virtue and fairness differ.  One man’s bargain is another man’s rip-off.  Moreover, notions of what makes up a “fair society” are theological and philosophical in nature–and, therefore, will be as diverse and divergent as the number of philosophies and theologies operating in any society at the time. 

The scarcer a worker’s skills relative to society’s willingness to pay, the bigger the pay check. Luck also plays a big role, particularly in one’s country of birth. The lower the quality of a country’s economic institutions, the poorer the job opportunities.

To illustrate, according to ESPN, Kobe Bryant’s salary for the 2013-14 season with LA Lakers is US$30 million. Yet, the United Nations reports that 1.2 billion people, about 20 per cent of the world’s population, live on less than the equivalent of US$1 per day.

Views about the labour market are often intensely ideological. Marxists believe that government involvement is necessary to stop fat cat capitalists from exploiting workers. Firms are rich and powerful, while the worker is weak, and regulation is necessary to offset this imbalance.

This view ignores the power that competition between employers confers on workers. Would anyone pay Kobe Bryant $30 million otherwise? Johnny Paycheck’s 1977 country classic: “Take this job and shove it, I ain’t working here no more” epitomises the liberating power of choice.

“Choice” is a loaded term.  If by “choice” we mean the power of perpetual contrary choice, we are fools indeed.  Johnny Paycheck could choose to work elsewhere, but if there were no other job available, the liberating power of choice to “shove” his current job would merely be a path to deprivation and beggary.  In such a circumstance, Johnny Paycheck really has no choice but to continue to work at a job he detests.  His choices are so limited no alternative exists.  Thus, at that moment he has no “liberating power of choice”.  



But at another level, Johnny does have a choice.  He can choose willingly to continue to work at a job he detests, and seek to improve his market advantage, gaining market leverage.  He could choose to upskill, to excel in diligence, reliability, honesty, integrity, and encouragement of fellow workers.  He could choose to work at improving his employer’s business.  All this, too, represents a liberating power of choice.   Over time, in the ordinary course of divine providence, his value to the firm and thus his bargaining power over wages will increase.  His wider marketability will also likely improve.

The problem with much of the labour market regulation is that it effectively says that ‘we’, meaning those with jobs, would rather see others unemployed and on welfare rather than in a job that we think is not up to standard.

In New Zealand we have tolerated high youth unemployment because governments preferred to see young people without work than in a job paying less than the adult minimum wage. Just how does that make sense?

A deeper concern with labour market regulation at the expense of the most vulnerable, such as those with few skills trying to get their first job, is that it violates their very being. It is an awful thing to be unable to find a job, to feel that society puts no value on what you have to offer.

Adam Smith expressed this non-Marxist view over 200 years ago:

The property which every man has in his own labour; as it is the original foundation of all other property, so it is the most sacred and inviolable … To hinder him from employing this strength and dexterity in what manner he thinks proper without injury to his neighbour is a plain violation of this most sacred property.

Letting people choose freely where they work, respecting their choices, and not imposing upon them our own notions and prejudices as to what constitutes a “fair wage” or  “worthwhile work”, is a most respectful attitude toward others.  To attempt to make others conform to our particular notions of what is “good work” or a “better job”, or “fair pay” is the height of arrogance.  But worse, as Smith points out, it is also an overreaching attempt to enslave another human being–violating his most sacred property–his freedom to work as seems best to him. 

In New Zealand we have seen numerous examples of this effete tyranny.  We used to have in this country hundreds of “sheltered workshops” where the physically and mentally disabled could work.  They were  the only places these folk could access to utilise their most sacred property.  We used to see them getting on the buses at the end of a day’s work.  They clearly were enjoying the dignity of labour, the pleasure of co-labouring with other human beings, the society of working together, and so forth.  But, they were paid much, much less than fully capable people.  The tasks were regarded as repetitive and menial.  The arrogant and condescending began to pour scorn upon such arrangements.  Such people “deserved” to be paid the minimum wage.  Laws were passed to that effect.

The result?  Sheltered workshops went out of existence.  They could not pay the legislated minimum wage because their staff were insufficiently productive.  Thousands of disabled people lost their jobs, and went on the dole.  Their lives were ripped apart.  Their most sacred property had been violated, stolen, torn up–by the arrogance of intolerant, condescending fools.  In the hands of the perverse the concept of legislated “fairness” inevitably destroys lives. 

Douglas Wilson’s Letter from Moscow, Idaho

Honoring His Stuff

Blog and Mablog

A friend pointed me to an important truth about property and giving that is found in Deuteronomy 26.

“And now, behold, I have brought the firstfruits of the land, which thou, O Lord, hast given me. And thou shalt set it before the Lord thy God, and worship before the Lord thy God: And thou shalt rejoice in every good thing which the Lord thy God hath given unto thee, and unto thine house, thou, and the Levite, and the stranger that is among you” (Dt. 26:10-11).

Note that the worshiper is told that he must include the Levite and the stranger in his worship of God — he must share as he worships with his tithe — but that the foundation of this sharing is the fact of property ownership. He is called to share “every good thing” which the Lord his God “hath given” unto him. God gave every good thing to him, and to his house.

This is the answer to those who think that any assertion of robust property rights is to absolutize them. The only absolute property ownership is God — the earth is the Lord’s and the fullness thereof — but it is precisely for this reason that we may have robust private property rights. The absolute owner gives.

He gives with stipulations and conditions, certainly, such that our ownership is always stewardship, but at the end of the day, we may say that the God of all property gave “every good thing” to me and “to my house.”
He does not do this so that we may then try to be unlike Him, hoarding everything for ourselves. Not at all. At the end of the day, the worshiper of God should be able to say something like this:

“I have brought away the hallowed things out of mine house, and also have given them unto the Levite, and unto the stranger, to the fatherless, and to the widow, according to all thy commandments which thou hast commanded me: I have not transgressed thy commandments, neither have I forgotten them” (Dt. 26:13).

The worshiper who gives to the Levite, and to the stranger, and to the fatherless, and to the widow, is doing so with the same verb that is used concerning God’s giving to him in the first place. If God gives, then so may we. This means that private property is the basis of mercy giving, not a competitor to it. Note also a good indication that the pure and undefiled religion that James is talking about concerns the responsibility of the Christian to tithe (Jas. 1:27).

Having said so much, let me veer off in another direction, at least with regard to the initial appearances. Just consider this a helpful aside. Pure and undefiled religion means doing what God says to do, the way He says to do it. When we rebel against Him, and do something else, we have still been created with a slot called “pure and undefiled religion,” and so we fill it in with something else, and police the boundaries of that new thing with a religious ferocity.

This something else is usually some form of ritual righteousness — something tangible that you can see. It may have no biblical basis, or it may be a counterfeit of something that has a biblical basis. For the former, cool is the new righteous, and it would be something like skinny jeans and moussed hair instead of wide phylacteries and flowing robes. For the latter, it would mean supporting greater levels of coercive taxation levied on widows and orphans so that some faceless bureaucrat might issue an EBT card to some skateboarding waster dude, and all in the name of helping widows and orphans.

Jesus requires us to avoid showboating in our giving, but it must nevertheless be our giving. In order to give it, we must have it, and in order for us to have it, God must give it to us. Private property, with this understanding of stewardship, is therefore necessary to all philanthropic mercy work.

Of course, only God is absolute. But certain things follow from this. If God is absolute, then we should adopt His definitions of what stewardship means for us, and what we must do with our private property. Ahlquist, summarizing Chesterton, notes that timeless truths are always timely.

So the first thing we must do with our private property is receive it. We must take ownership of it, not as competing with God, but as a way of honoring God. He, the only property owner, tells us to become property owners. He wants us to be property owners so that we may learn to imitate Him in how we give.

We answer to God for how we dispose of our property. We do not answer to others — most particularly, we do not answer to the state. Ownership is relative, relative to God. Ownership is not relative, relative to other relative owners. Property rights are therefore human rights, and human rights are therefore property rights. It is not possible to love a man without honoring his right to his stuff. To despise his right to his stuff is to despise the image of God in him.

Whatever he has, he has because he was created in the image of God, and God wants to see what he is going to do with it. God didn’t give it to him to find out what I or nameless others wanted him to do with it.

Douglas Wilson’s Letter From America

Book of the Month/August

Knowledge and Power

I owe a lot to George Gilder, and with his release of Knowledge and Power, that debt has increased significantly.

Decades ago, I first read Sexual Suicide, a book that later became Men and Marriage, and which I have read again several times in that form. I was greatly influenced by Wealth and Poverty when it first came out, and have enjoyed other books as well, the most recent example being The Israel Test. This book is a worthy companion to the others in a long line of worthy companions.

There are three things I want to say about this book, and then I will leave you to get your own copy.

The first is that Gilder is a contrarian, but a sane one. He is what any sane person would look like in an insane world, provided that sane person had the guts to say what he thought out loud. The book provides kind of a grab bag of examples. He has a delightful chapter on the need for insider trading, for instance. By outlawing insider trading, we are requiring people to trade stupidly, blindly.

And Gilder is a futurist, but one who knows how to invoke the spirit of Shannon and Turing in a winsome way — a way that gives us a kind of postmillennialism for math geeks.

He is clearly a conservative, but the kind of conservative — as I envision it — who commands the respect of careful libertarians. He shows how there are some things that the market cannot produce, things like a market economy itself. The free market is not a product in the free market. The free market must have a foundation outside itself — but once you have it, you have what Gilder calls a low (information) entropy carrier of high (information) entropy entrepreneurship. To change the image, the rules of the game are simple and few, and the refs aren’t playing for any of the teams.

But the best example of this is his continuation of supply-side optimism. He quotes Henry Ford to the effect that if he had given the public what they wanted, he would have given them a faster horse. Twenty years ago, what was the market like for smart phones? Anticipating a point to be made later, the gift of innovation creates the ability to receive it.

Second, Gilder’s deep understanding of information theory as applied to economics makes good sense out of his relationship to the Intelligent Design movement, which is all about information. As I read through this book, a phrase that kept coming to mind was in the beginning was the Word. Information is prior to any exchange, and this is because information is prior to everything.

One of the central ways that capitalism gets a bad rap is that it is treated (helped in this by some of its founders and advocates) as an impersonal system that will nevertheless work out best for everyone in the long run. There is an “impersonal hand” out there that has the impersonal capacity to transmorgrify individual instances of greed and self-serving, turning it all somehow (magically) to the public good. Against this, the left offers faux-compassion, and this impersonalism of ours is one of the reasons it works.

In this construct, capitalism is thought of as a system of incentives, when it is actually a system of information. When the state barges into our transactions, it is true (Gilder would acknowledge) that they completely mess up the incentives, getting the carrots and sticks all muddled. This is true, but by far the greatest damage they do is by blocking the free flow of information.

The third thing is related to the second. Gilder’s concluding chapter on “The Power of Giving” is just glorious. That chapter begins with “capitalism begins with giving” (p. 273), and continues in that wonderful vein. “Profit is thus an index of the altruism of an investment” (p. 274). “Capitalism begins not with exchange but with giving” (p. 278).

“Capitalism offers nothing but frustrations and rebuffs to those who, by virtue of their superior intelligence, birth, credentials, or ideals, believe themselves entitled to get without giving, to take without risking, to profit without understanding, and to be exalted without humbling themselves to meet the unruly demands of others in an always perilous and unpredictable life” (p. 277).
“Capitalism asserts that we must give long before we can know what we want and what the universe will return” (p. 283).
“Capitalism is based on the idea that we live in a world unfathomable complexity, ignorance, and peril and that we cannot possibly prevail over our difficulties without constant efforts of initiative, sympathy, discovery, and love” (p. 283).

I didn’t cry when I finished this chapter, but it did make me wish that I was the kind of man who could.

For those who love liberty (may their tribe increase), Gilder shows us a way of loving liberty that is courageous, not fearful, giving, not hoarding, future-oriented, not hide-bound, and I will say it, although he didn’t, fundamentally Christian. In the beginning was the Word.

Leviathan Stirs

Tithing in the West

There is no such thing as private property  in the West any longer.  Not really.  There is only property given to you by society for a time, which may be expropriated at will now, or some time in the future.  In the secular Marxian west the State is the fundamental owner, the real owner of everything.  All private property, so called, is only owned in a form of leasehold, via the condescension of the State. 

Of course it has to be this way.  The reason the state’s power to expropriate, seize, and control the property of its citizens is that it has replaced God Himself.  In the biblical world-view, only God is the ultimate owner of all property.  He is the creator and sustainer of everything.  The cattle on a thousand hills belong to Him.  Men only possess property as a leaseholder in God’s estate.  But–and here is the point–what God has granted to a man, his family, a business corporation, or to a charitable trust let no man (or government) expropriate or steal.  The wrath of the eternal, ultimate Owner will be kindled.  In the Christian worldview, then, private property rights are sacred and real.  What God has granted, let not another man or human institution expropriate.

But when a society comes to believe that God to be a figment of ignorant superstition no such constraints exist upon the state.  Consequently, the state has reached out to take what it regards as its own–all property–when it has a need for it.  The protections against an overreaching, thieving state exist in most Western countries, but they are plastic and pliable, provided the “emergency” be real enough.      

This is what the people of Cyprus have just found out.  That country is in financial trouble–it has caught a very bad case of the European disease.  To keep going, having run out of its own money, the government of Cyprus needs to plunder the treasuries of other European countries.  But, as always, the borrower becomes enslaved to the lender–in this case the EU in general and Germany in particular.  They are prepared to stump up with the money, but have demanded a 10 percent money grab upon all private Cypriot bank accounts.  This, from Reuters:


In a radical departure from previous aid packages, euro zone finance ministers want Cyprus savers to forfeit a portion of their deposits in return for a 10 billion euro ($13 billion) bailout for the island, which has been financially crippled by its exposure to neighboring Greece.  The decision, announced on Saturday morning, stunned Cypriots and caused a run on cash points, most of which were depleted within hours. Electronic transfers were stopped.

The nation of Cyprus, deeply in debt due to national folly, speculation, waste, fraud, graft, and corruption has finally run out of money.  Like all socialist countries its next move is to look for a bigger fool to borrow from.  As a result, Cypriots woke up one morning to find that their government had agreed in principle to a forced expropriation of 10 percent of the assets in all private bank accounts. 

When governments start going into debt to fund the demands of socialized programmes spending other people’s money on health, education, welfare and endless social programmes, calamity lurks around the corner.  Eventually, the money will run out.  The people will suffer massive losses, whether through forced expropriation of their property (as in Cyprus) or in some other way, such as the collapse of jobs, businesses, and government services.  The ownership prerogatives of government trump and override all else.  Government is the new deity–the secular Unbelief’s version of religion.  Its demands and appetites are relentless.  You and all you possess exist only at its pleasure. 

Welcome to the West’s modern version of Leviathan. 

Basic Truths

Socialism Versus the Redemer

The Acton Institute is an ecumenical organization devoted to the study of the religion and liberty.  One of its principal scholars is Rev Robert Sirico, who has authored a recently released book entitled, Defending the Free Market: the Moral Case for Capitalism.  You can order it from Amazon, here.

Here is Robert Sirico being interviewed by Stuart Varney of Fox Business.  Definitely worth a look.
Hat Tip: Maria at NZ Conservative.
Watch the latest video at <a href=”http://video.foxbusiness.com”>video.foxbusiness.com</a>

Alien Planet

Back Yard Plunder

Every so often people reveal the state of their hearts and minds with comments that “prove far too much”.  Sometimes folk betray their origins.  They appear to be from distant planets: we are left wondering how they made it to this planet in the first place, and hoping that the return journey occurs soon.

Here is a spokesman for the Consumer New Zealand–Hamish Wilson.  He is quoted commenting upon pre-pay electricity plan, where consumers pay in advance for power.  Hamish gravely warns us that such plans are “unfair”.  In Mr Wilson’s bizarre world-view, power companies are one vast criminal enterprise. Get this:

But Consumer NZ testing manager Hamish Wilson said the consumer rights group suspected systems like Glo-bug might mean retailers became more aggressive about channelling customers towards pre-pay. It was also concerned by planned increases in power prices.

“All of this is about making life easier for the electricity companies to do what they already do very well, which is effectively plunder people’s bank accounts. We don’t think pre-pay is in the best interests of most of the people who are likely to end up on it,” he said.

Power companies “effectively plunder people’s bank accounts”.  Using electricity and having to pay the power supply company for it constitutes an act of theft by the power company.

It would appear that Mr Wilson hails from a planet where “what’s yours is mine, and what’s mine’s me own” is the prevailing ethic.  This apparently is what it means to look after the interests of consumers.  Everyone else owes me their property for nothing, and I owe diddley squat.

How has it come to pass that some (perhaps many) in our society casually treat other people’s property with such contempt?  The kind of consumer advocacy now being promulgated by Consumer New Zealand  appears blighted by unethical, bad-faith dealing and sharp practice.

What’s Yours is Mine

For the Good of the Game

The moral outrage in New Zealand against ticket scalping is hard to fathom.  Upon what ethical principles might it rest? 

A chap goes into a local dairy and buys a pack of Rothmans.  He goes home, puts it on Trade Me and sells the pack to someone in Whanganui  for twice what he paid (where cigarettes have been totally banned due to a local member’s Bill sponsored by Tariana Turia).  In the world of commerce its called arbitrage.  Everyone claps the chap on the back and calls him smart, insightful, and enterprising.    The same chap lines up to buy a ticket to a rugby test match, goes home, sells it on Trade Me for ten times the price, and he is called a scab, a thief, and an animal.  Right?  Right!

So, what gives?
  Yes, we know that rugby is the religion of a demi-god in New Zealand and that a test match is the equivalent of a temple paean to the goddess.  But that’s all just hogwash, so reasoning along those lines is expeditiously flushed down the proverbial.  All quasi-religious arguments against ticket arbitraging implying that the goddess is dishonoured are bunkum, so let’s get on with it.

Well, then.  What about the purchaser of the overpriced arbitraged tickets being ripped off.  What about that, eh?  That’s what scalping refers to, after all.  The stupid guy or gal who bought the overpriced tickets has been well and truly ripped off because they could have got them for much less if they had lined up months ago.  May we note, however, that the buyer was a willing buyer and value, like beauty, is in the beholder’s eyes. If he purchased willingly then the choice was his, the gain was his, and presumably the pay off from attending the game was worth it.  If not, he made a bad investment–but that’s life.  It was his free choice. 

And consider the seller.  Imagine he has just concluded his trade and notices another guy selling a ticket.  He sees that he has managed to sell his for twice what he was just able to get.  Does he run after the chap to which he sold his ticket and say, “Hey mate.  You underpaid me.  The price has just gone up double.  Fork over more.”  Nah.  A trade is a trade.  It’s a contract.  It would be theft to make additional demands.  Maybe someone should remind the Rugby Union of that.

How about the argument, It’s against the spirit of the game.  Spare us.  We thought the game was about a contest, a winner take all affair.  If the Rugby Union underpriced the tickets to begin with and someone else in the great game of competitive commerce made a profit off the Union’s mispricing, it’s winner take all, right?  That’s the spirit of the game we understood.  Correct us if we are wrong, but we didn’t see the old AB’s offering to share the Webb Ellis Rugby World Cup trophy with the French.

We have never heard an argument against ticket arbitraging that made any ethical sense in the slightest.  To the contrary, all such arguments display an assault upon other people’s property rights.  They imply that the seller (the Rugby Union, in this case) still retains a property right in what it has sold. 

We suspect that the real reason the Rugby Union and others get into high moral dudgeon against ticket scalping is their belief they have underpriced their tickets to begin with “for the good of the game”.  There are all those faithful, loyal rugby unions that need to have access to the big games as a reward.  Heartland rugby and all that sort of stuff.  Nah.  There’s a better way.  Charge the estimated market price for the tickets to begin with and doll out cash to the local unions so they can afford them if you feel so obligated.  Maybe hold back a few thousand tickets and flick them off on Trade Me yourselves just 48 hours before the match. Or stand outside the ground just hours before and enjoy the arbitrage trade.  Ethically you will be on far stronger ground.

Years ago we were working for a high street bank.  To it’s credit, the bank gave each of the staff a miniature MP3 player as a Christmas gift–emblazoned with the company logo of course.  Some enterprising staff members sold theirs on Trade Me over Christmas.  The CEO got to hear of it and went all sniffy via an e-mail to all staff telling them to return the gift if it was so worthless to them.

Here was a CEO of a major bank who demonstrated in that telling instant that the Chief Executive neither understood commerce, nor property rights.  We always thought the entrepreneurial bank staff members should be congratulated–after all, was not the MP3 player their property?  They were parlaying what was of little value into cash so they could apply the gift to something that was of more value to them.  Good on them.  They were treating the gift with due respect.  Apparently not–at least in the mind of the CEO who seemed to believe the bank still had some vestigial property rights in the gift.  It was a gift with strings.  Ironically, making that clear to the bank staff in one sniffy e-mail, instantly devalued the company’s generosity.

Idyllic Cannibalism

Harawira’s Revisionist History: It’s All Your Fault

New Zealand Maori, we are told, have lots of problems.  One that doesn’t get much mention is Maori have too many Hone Harawira’s–folk that think like Hone.  And they have far too much influence in our humble opinion.

Hone has published an indignant tirade in the NZ Herald, calling out a correspondent who opined that he had found the whole Waitangi Day ritual protest by Hone and his bus load of Occupy mates an anachronism.  Hone’s response is to justify such public protest over Maori grievance because, well, the grievance is justified. 

Now, of course, Hone’s view of New Zealand history is superficial, one-eyed and prejudiced.
  His basic point, reduced to its kernel is that Maori were living as an idyllic people in Paradise until whitey came and ruined their lives.  Glossed over is the terrible state of Maori tribal life in this country prior to the European settlement.  Ignored is the cannibalism, the slavery, the literal farming of people to eat.  Silent is Hone on the Maori warring season when war parties went out on conquest, or utu, or just to get some “decent kai” for the “long oven”.  Overlooked is the ecological devastation wrought on bird life as species like the majestic moa were hunted to extinction.  Neglected a mention is the ever present risk of starvation in the winter months because of  the primitive state of Maori agriculture. 

Hone lives in a reconstructed cocoon of Maori history.  In his calculus, pre-European Maori lived in a blissful state of Edenic, pre-lapsarian glory.  Maori children played outside the stoop of their whares in the warmth of a happy, cheerful cannibalistic society.  They were “treasured” and loved.  And, Maori women–well, they were adored, respected, cherished.  Never harmed.  Not until European grog arrived, and then all hell broke loose.

What an idyllic picture.  What a farce.  But that’s Hone’s view.  And as they say in politics, never let the facts or reality get in the way of a good story.  Particularly about the past. Consider his panegyric of Maori society and the evil devastation of whitey:

You see Mr Holmes, back in 1840, Maori owned the whole of Aotearoa, and although life wasn’t exactly a bunch of roses, we had strong and vibrant societies dotted all round the country, until you guys introduced the gun, the Bible and the pox of course, and wreaked havoc and devastation like we’d never seen before.

It is true of course that as soon as Maori tribes got the musket, Maori internecine warfare got a whole lot more deadly, but of course there is no moral interdiction against Maori blood lust ventured by Hone.

Hone is wont to blame all current Maori problems on the coming of the Pakeha and the alleged devastation wrought upon his people.  Particularly annoying to him is his view that the Pakeha “stole” all Maori land–since Maori “owned” the whole country.  What Hone’s deceptive anachronism conveniently overlooks is that there were no titles to land in primitive Maori society, no bills of sale, no ownership.  Just a right of possession.  And sometimes Maori were dispossessed–but by rights of their own culture–which Hone almost worships–when they lost possession, they lost it.  Period.  Gone.  No comeback.  Only utu–and if that failed.  Too bad.  So Maori dispossessed the Moriori, to the point of extinction as a people, practising a form of genocide.  And that’s OK, because possession was ownership. 

To introduce a Christian notion of legal title and claim that Maori ownership by de facto possession did in fact represent legal title to the land is an anachronistic fiction.  Under such a primitive concept the Pakeha could not steal land from the Maori any more than Maori stole it from the Moriori.  Stealing has no meaning when one does not have legal title.  So Hone stands upon the legal principle and common law rights and presumes that such rights were enjoyed by Maori before Maori was not under the sovereignty of the British crown.  One of the driving intentions behind the Treaty of Waitangi was to bring them under the Crown’s sovereignty so as to bring Maori under the protection of British law, including, for the first time, the protections and privileges of property title and ownership. 

The signing of the Treaty meant that Maori had legal rights, including the right to property, as subjects of the Crown.  This was a double edged sword: they could sell off their land if they chose freely to do so, and many did.  But once sold, it was lost to future generations–and it is this which folk like Hone resent and refuse to accept.

Granted the Crown acted as a imperialistic overlord at times, confiscating land without due cause–and so genuine Treaty grievances and restitution have an important and necessary place in our society.   

But the most revealing of all of Hone’s claims–and one that few will contest–comes when he stops pontificating about a mythical past and deals with the present.

Maori are also part of the broader fabric of our society. But did you know Mr Holmes, that in terms of health, welfare, education, employment, housing and justice, Maori statistics are still worse than everyone else in the country?

And your point, sir?  The unspoken point seems to be that loss of property has caused this modern Maori degradation.  This is laughable.  How many people have come to this country with not a bean in their pocket and through hard work, thrift, diligence and application have made a living for themselves?  Thousands upon thousands.  Why not Maori?  Is it a racial or ethnic inadequacy?  Are Maori somehow genetically inferior? 

Of course not.  That is an absurd notion.  Two things have devastated Maori: the first is a false and degrading doctrine of victimhood:  “I am inferior in just about every social metric because whitey ripped me off.”  This is Hone’s axe and he grinds it without ceasing.  He is consequently complicit in the devastation of his own people.  The more such degraded Maori believe themselves to be victims and look to external causes rather than their own duties and responsibilities as human beings, the more the devastation will grow. 

The second cause of Maori degradation is the social welfare system which had exacerbated ten times over the sense of Maori grievance and the belief that they are owed something by someone else.  Now this is not peculiar to Maori: it is the common mien of socialists the world over.  But it is been particularly devastating amongst degraded Maori because it has been able to link up with the sense of Maori grievance peddled by Hone and his ilk. 

Because New Zealand society as a whole believes in entitlements and payments which “others” have to provide it’s rather hard for our culture to develop a compelling argument against the Maori sense of grievance.  But for those who get sucked into the entitlement rights mentality, whatever their ethnic characteristics, the future of current degraded Maori awaits them. 

Corruption in China and New Zealand

Theft by Any Other Name is . . . . Theft

The Left has little or no respect for property rights.  What you own is yours only if the collective (society, the state) says you can retain ownership.  At any time, for the “common good” your property can be devalued, stripped, or confiscated.  In principle we are, therefore, slaves in our own country; any freedoms we may enjoy are at the pleasure of the collective. 

This plight is put front and centre in the Australian classic, The Castle.  Sadly, whilst this is a superb comedy, its dramatic tension actually relies upon a very serious matter that is all too real.  In The Castle, remedy comes to Darryl Kerrigan through the courts.  The High Court decided that the Constitution of Australia required that Darryl’s “castle” could only be purchased on just terms. We have no such checks and balances in New Zealand.  Parliament is supreme.

The Government in New Zealand is about to decide whether a Chinese consortium can purchase around sixteen NZ dairy farms.
  The Leader of the Opposition, David Shearer is publicly opposing the sale on the grounds that selling to the Chinese does not bring enough value to “New Zealanders”.  The pseudo-property rights of the collective hive, in the mind of the Labour Party, trump those of the actual owners. 

Of course there is another bid on the table–from a “genuine” Kiwi consortium of mega-wealthy plus Maori–but it just happens to be way below the $200m offered by the Chinese consortium.  Apparently, Mr Shearer favours the second bid and in so doing wants to strip millions of dollars of private property from the current owner/sellers.  The rights of the collective hive overreach and cancel private property rights every time–in the statist mind of the Left (and most Unbelievers), for the State is their god. 

At this blog, we have warned repeatedly of the dangers of investing in China.  Because of the prevailing corruption in that country, one’s investment and property rights can go up in smoke and you can end up in prison for a very long time, or before a firing squad on spurious, trumped up convictions.  But it would take a contorting clairvoyant to explain why Shearer’s stand is any different.  And if such practices are corrupt in China, they are equally corrupt in New Zealand. 

Now, it is up to the Chinese investors to decide whether they wish to take the risk of investing in such a corrupt country where rival bidders can enlist a very senior Parliamentarian to do their bidding in an attempt to destroy the property rights of commercial rivals.  But let them be in no doubt: corruption it is–up front and centre. Worse–no-one is outraged.  No-one in New Zealand calls it corruption.  Rather it is seen as “looking after our own”.  Gangster economics.  Corruption out front and centre, and no-one turns a hair. 

David Shearer has just sent a message to every gang, every corrupt businessman, every tong, triad, and mafioso that he is up for sale.  He can be bought.  He will oleaginously cloak his thievery by blowing smoke rings appealing to the “rights” of the collective hive.  But it won’t change the facts. 

This is presumably what he learnt while he was working for the United Nations, we suspect. 

>Fast Following

>Despotism and Universal Avarice

Despotic states produce universal avarice. When rules concentrate on exacting the maximum amount from those they control, their subjects become notably avaricious too, and respond by consuming, hoarding, and hiding the fruits of their labor, and by failing to produce nearly as much as they might. And even when some people do manage to be productive, chances are that in the end their efforts will merely enrich their rulers. The result is a standard of living far below the society’s potential productive capacities.

Late in the tenth century, an iron industry began to develop in parts of northern China. By 1018, it has been estimated, the smelters were producing more than thirty-five thousand tons a year, an incredible achievement for the time, and sixty years later they may have been producing more than a hundred thousand tons. This was not a government operation. Private individuals had seized the opportunity presented by a strong demand for iron and the supplies of easily mined ore and coal. . . . Soon these new Chinese iron industrialists were reaping huge profits and reinvesting heavily in the expansion of their smelters and foundries. Production continued to rise rapidly. The availability of large supplies of iron soon led to the introduction of iron agricultural tools, which in turn rapidly increased food production. . . . But then it all stopped as suddenly as it had begun. By the end of the eleventh century, only tiny amounts of iron were produced, and soon after that the smelters and foundries were abandoned ruins. What had happened?

Eventually, Mandarins at the imperial court had noticed that some commoners were getting rich by manufacturing and were hiring peasant laborers at high wages. They deemed such activities to be threats to Confucian values and social tranquillity. Commoners must know their place; only the elite should be wealthy. So, they declared a state monopoly on iron and seized everything. And that was that. As Winwood Reade summed up, the reason for China’s many centuries of economic and social stagnation is plain: “property is insecure. In this one phrase the whole history of Asia is contained.” Rodney Stark, The Victory of Reason, p.71f.

Ah, yes. Clearly we can see the stupidity of the Chinese. But the same folly is present in our day. Property is fundamentally insecure, made subject to the rapacious extractions of government, through taxation, to maintain socialist ideals of equality and harmony. Consequently, the whole society is avaricious; our economic culture is one of under-production and over-consumption. Sure, historically the Chinese acted stupidly under the regime of Confucian “ideals”. But we are fast followers, showing that we have learned nothing. Our soft-despotism is just as destructive, just as deadly, just as avaricious.

>Christian Capitalism

>Thankfulness to God

In his remarkable book, The Victory of Reason Rodney Stark documents the rise of nascent capitalism in Italy in the 13th century. This was not planned: it happened.

A pejorative distortion of free market economies is that they bring out the worst impulses in human beings–particularly greed and a disdain for fellow human being. “Get all you can; can all you get; poison the rest” is purported to be the motto of free-market enterprise. Ironically, the motto only becomes accurate in a private enterprise economy when it becomes “mixed”: that is, free marketeering is combined with the monopolistic power of the state. Corrupt, venal merchants and business people always stand ready to support rules and regulations that would be an advantage to themselves and an impediment to their competitors, or at the very least would force the public to use their particular goods and services.

If one were a manufacturer of children’s car seats, one’s commercial success is far more assured if the government can be successfully persuaded to promulgate a regulation making them mandatory. Sadly, the modern “mixed” economic model frequently facilitates rapacious activity. Capitalism nurtured in a humanist womb all too often deserves its pejorative press.

Historically, capitalism nurtured in a Christian womb proved to be quite different in some respects.

http://rcm.amazon.com/e/cm?t=jtertullian&o=1&p=8&l=bpl&asins=0812972333&fc1=000000&IS2=1&lt1=_blank&m=amazon&lc1=0000FF&bc1=000000&bg1=FFFFFF&f=ifrIt would be inappropriate to conclude discussion of the financial affairs of Italian capitalist firms [in the 13th century] without noting their commitment to charity. “Each time they drew up or revised a budget, a fund for the poor was created with some of the capital of the company. These funds were entered in the books in the name of ‘our Good Lord God’ as representing the poor, who in this way, were made partners in the company. When dividends were paid, a proportional part went to the poor.”

In fact, when a company was liquidated the poor were always included among the creditors in proportion to their share of the capital. Most companies also maintained a petty cash box from which the apprentices were assigned to distribute money to any beggars who showed up asking for alms. All of this was in keeping with the frequent asides offering thanks to God made in the ledgers and account books of these companies.

>The Extent of Our Rebellion

>A Nation of Thieves and Slaves

Lindsay Mitchell has a post on welfare expenses in New Zealand.  She has kindly published the breakdown of Core Crown Expenditure, which we republish here.

If we look at the current (2010) year, we see that total core government expenditure for the year is $64.013bn, up from $49.320bn four years ago (2006) which represents a 30 percent increase.  A 30 percent increase in just four years.  Look no further to explain why the New Zealand economy is so parlous.

But it gets worse.  If we focus on the top three spending items (health, education, and welfare) we find that together these total for this year $46.037bn which represents 72 percent of government spending.  Why is this a problem?  Well, if you are a socialist or a liberal or a secular humanist–or virtually anyone not a Christian (and unfortunately far too many Christians just go with the flow on this one)–there is no problem at all.  That little table of core government expenditure represents the world as the vast majority of people in this country believe it ought to be.  The government or the state is the ultimate power and reality in our world.  As such, the government has the higher and prime responsibility to ensure that all our people are healthy, educated, clothed and fed. 

Now as we said, with sadness, there are not a few Christians who actually nod their assent to this.  They do so without understanding the despotic horror that is progressively unfolding before them.  A government that is granted by the people the prime responsibility for the health, education, and welfare of its citizens is a government that will progressively squash its citizens in the vice of despotism.

Let us state the Christian position clearly: the government has no mandate from the Living God to feed, clothe, or educate one person, let alone a nation.  For the Christian who reads his Bible, the state is not the ultimate power–it is but a mere servant of God, responsible to Him and accountable to Him for all that it does.  When it arrogates to itself powers not granted by God, or when its citizens vote those powers to government, the entire nation is guilty of rebellion against the Most High.

But it gets worse.  When a government sets out to clothe, feed, educate and heal it needs moola–lot’s and lot’s of it.  It gets that money from taxing its citizens.  Since the government has no right to be doing such things, its tax extraction for those activities represents not just a terrible oppression upon citizens getting pretty close to slavery, but theft on a grand scale.

A large part of our working life and time is labouring to meet the unjust extractions of the government of our property and income.  Since the state claims a prior right to this property–before we get to live upon what is left over–this begins to approximate to a state of relative slavery.  Moreover, the more the government spends on these things, the more is extracted from us.  If we take the number of people between the age of 15 and 65 in New Zealand (that is, the adult working-age population, which is currently around 2.912m) the $46bn illicit spend by the government represents $15,808 per year which has to be extracted on average from every working-age adult, or roughly $30,000 per household per year.  The size and amount of forced government extraction for illegitimate government activities represents citizens being effectively reduced to a state of slavery.

In addition, since God has not granted such competencies, duties and responsibilities to the State, to extract money from citizens to fund them is theft–legalized theft to be sure–but theft nonetheless.  How can a nation be blessed by God when its whole structure and foundation is built upon theft and slavery?

But it gets worse.  The whole society is complicit and supportive of these systemic injustices.  That does not make them right.  It only serves to make us all guilty and subject to the wrath of God.  As our mothers told us correctly the fact that everyone does something does not make it right–only conventional.  And when a whole society’s conventions are evil and unjust–look out.

Here is a thought experiment which represents a simple test as to whether you have succumbed to the evil conventions of our day.  A fabulously wealthy man–a multi-billionaire–took to court a poor man who could neither feed nor clothe his family. The poor man had expropriated $100 out of the billionaire’s wallet at an opportune moment.  The judge convicted the poor man for theft and required that he restitute the billionaire.

Are you be offended, even outraged at such a circumstance?  Would you consider such a ruling implicitly unjust?  If you would, you have subscribed to the evil conventions of our day that postulate the poor man has a property right to the billionaire’s wealth, a legitimate property claim, which the government and the courts must enforce.  But the Living God has revealed His holy standards.  He forbids all theft (“thou shalt not steal”); further, He forbids even the inward act or attitude of heart that desires the property of others (“thou shalt not covet”).  Finally, He declares that in the courts of justice, the judge must never have any regard whatsoever to the socio-economic status or circumstances of those before the bench.  He must neither favour the rich, nor the poor.  He cannot be partial to one over the other. To do so is injustice.

You shall do no injustice in court. You shall not be partial to the poor or defer to the great, but in righteousness shall you judge your neighbour. Leviticus 19:15

Seventy-two percent of our government’s activity, extraction, judgements, and works is premised upon the rejection of the Law of God, and an assertion that it is just and right to be partial to some at the expense of others.  Therefore, our society believes that for our government to extract property from some and redistribute it to others is holy, just and good.  Our government, thus, is throughout an institution of injustice and rebellion against God. It is an institution of theft.  As the old saw has it, “Don’t steal:  the government does not like competition.” 

So, unless we repent our nation will be consigned to the wrath and judgement of God.  We have been at this now for nearly one hundred years.  Our Lord is longsuffering and patient.  But in the end, if we do not humble ourselves, He will deal out His justice to us.  The form this may take is not clear.  It may be war or disease.  It may be physical calamities such as earthquakes or volcanoes.  It may be rising tides of violent crime.  It may be extreme poverty and degradation as a result of economic collapse.  Or it may be all of the above.

In that day, people will cry out to their god, the government, to save them.  But government itself will be under God’s wrath: after all, it is the idol of choice of our generation.  There will be no help there. 

>Douglas Wilson’s Letter From America

>Football Players or Pirates?

Money, Love, Desire – The Good of Affluence
Written by Douglas Wilson
Saturday, December 04, 2010

I don’t believe in complicating economic discussion more than is necessary. The Bible requires some form of capitalist society in the basic commandment, “Thou shalt not steal.” This command presupposes the institution of private ownership — private property as a divine institution — and sets up a fundamental protection against assaults on the right to own property. It does this in just the same way that the prohibition of adultery presupposes the institution of marriage. If marriage is just a “social construct” that our laws can redefine or abolish, then the same goes for adultery.

Common objections against this view usually take the easy shots, but unfortunately for their case, they are not the relevant shots. Why argue against the idea of private property as such, when you can always point to someone sinning with their very own private property? They own something, and their stewardship of it does not answer to God the way the Bible requires. What about that? So much for your capitalism . . .

But actually this is like arguing for the abolition of marriage because some husbands are jerks. How does that follow? The issue is not whether people can sin with private property, but rather whether private property is a sin. The Bible teaches that it is not a sin, and so socialism is unscriptural. Socialism is therefore a sin.

The capitalist argues for certain rules of the game. It does not follow from this that he has to root for every team in the league. Another way of saying this is that the capitalist is pro-market, not pro-business. I can love the game of football, and not root for the Oakland Raiders.

Think of it this way. When evil occurs in the socialist system, and God judges that evil in the last day, does anybody go to Hell for the sins committed? Are people held responsible, and who are they? Yes, they are, and the people held responsible are those who are sitting on the top of the system, taking other people’s stuff. The socialist honchos are judged for being socialists. They are judged for applying the rules of the game which they think they have invented.

When evil occurs in the capitalist system, who goes to Hell? There is judgment for those who worshipped Mammon, and who played dirty, who pursued their little greedies, and so forth. The owners of the evil factory in the Disney movie who want to build their very latest smoke-belcher on the neighborhood kids’ playground, which playground they obtained by illicit means, will get their comeuppance. Sure. But no one is judged for applying the basic rule of the game — respect the property of others — because that rule is God-given. People are judged for breaking the rules, or manipulating them, and not for having them.

The rules of capitalism are like the rules of football, and we ought not to be upset that one of the teams is named the Buccaneers. And we ought not to be upset that on this team named the Buccaneers, there is the occasional foul. We just roll with that, and throw a flag when necessary. Compare this with socialism, where the ruling class is a bunch of buccaneers. So this is the basic economic choice before us. Shall we as Christians side with the football players or with the pirates? Life is simple if you just think about it for a minute.

Further, because capitalists don’t believe in having someone at the top controlling everything that happens, another reason there is no judgment for what happens at that level of capitalism is that there is nobody there. Will God judge the cabinet minister who is responsible for extracting moonbeams from ditch water? No, because there is no such cabinet minister. In the capitalist system, people are leaving one another’s property alone. Who could you judge for that? Judgment would only be possible if God had required us collectively to make sure we did not leave one another’s property alone. And, as we have seen, “thou shalt not steal” takes care of that possibility.

>Money, Greed, and God–Part II

>The Nirvana Myth

This is the second post in a series we will be publishing as we work through the recent book by Jay W. Richards, entitled Money, Greed, and God: Why Capitalism is the Solution and Not the Problem (New York: Harper One, 2009). In this book, Richards identifies and rejects eight myths about money and wealth pervasive amongst Christians. http://rcm.amazon.com/e/cm?t=jtertullian&o=1&p=8&l=bpl&asins=B002XUM062&fc1=000000&IS2=1&lt1=_blank&m=amazon&lc1=0000FF&bc1=000000&bg1=FFFFFF&f=ifr

The first myth, widely believed, is that we can solve many problems and injustices in the world by changing the owners of property. Richards argues that everyone agrees there are grave problems in the world—and these problems exist to some degree or other in every human society. Such is the inevitable reality in a fallen world.

Many Christians hear repeatedly of blights that afflict their own particular country: poverty, illiteracy, disease, the gap between rich and poor, and other ills. Being Christians they tend to have a deeply felt compassionate concerns about these afflictions. They find such attitudes to be commanded in Scripture. But, then, at that point, many Christians lay their Bibles aside and turn to the smörgåsbord of options available in the world of Unbelief. Naturally, they find themselves drawn to align with those alternatives which appear to be compassionate and offer relief for the poor and downtrodden, since the Bible commands such compassion and concern.

What many fail to do at this point is think through what the consequences might be if Unbelief’s proposed solutions were actually applied. They do not realise, or will themselves not to see, that a whole host of different, worse problems quickly transpire when solutions that call for a forcible, involuntary change in the ownership of property are applied. They naively believe that if “things were changed” a utopia would emerge in which all problems would have been overcome. Richards calls this the Nirvana Myth. The Myth contrasts, for example, societies built upon personal property rights (which naturally have attendant problems) with unrealisable utopian ideals which are naively supposed to remove or avoid problems altogether.

The Nirvana Myth is not simply the belief that good will triumph in the end or the belief that the Kingdom of God is already present in human history. It’s the delusion that we can build utopia if we try hard enough, and that every real society is intolerably wicked because it does not measure up to utopia. (Richards, p.31)

Richards goes on to argue that if any generation ought to be utterly and brutally realistic about the folly of such an approach it should be we who live at the beginning of the twenty-first century, since we have the benefit of near hindsight. We can look back on the twentieth century which has tried just about every conceivable alternative to achieve Utopia and the terrible outcomes have been plain for all to see.

While Richards does not make this point, every Utopian scheme we are aware of in the twentieth century substituted personal property rights with communal or social property rights. Where persons living in such Utopian schemes continued to own property, it was only at the pleasure of the community or society. At its most extreme, the community through the power of the state was deemed to own all property. Private property was declared to be an act of theft.

Richards cites The Black Book of Communism which estimates that between 85 and 100 million innocent and defenceless people lost their lives to communist experiments in the twentieth century.

Never has an idea had such catastrophic consequences. It illustrated a grim, simple equation: extreme moral passions minus reality equals mass death. (p.21)

The variant of the ideology of communal ownership of property most familiar to us in the West is the “mixed economy” where private persons own property and have legal title to it, but the state can expropriate at legislative or regulatory will to achieve whatever ends it deems appropriate.

This is probably the most attractive to people driven by their emotions. When a government subsidizes the houses of the poor or gives out money to the unemployed or pays a retirement pension to the elderly it gives expression to our pity and assuages our guilt. Many see it as Christianity in action. But the actual record of such mixed economies is poor: a growing permanent non-working indigent class, alcoholism, drug abuse, high debt levels, low productivity, rising migration, increasingly violent criminal gangs, and a permanent underclass. Richards cites Thomas Sowell:

Socialism in general has a record of failure so blatant that only an intellectual could ignore or evade it. (Richards, p. 21)

The “third way” or the “mixed economy” is really socialism in sheep’s clothing. Or, as Richards cites Richard John Neuhaus:

The vicissitudes of history . . . have not dissuaded [leftist intellectuals] from their earnest search for a “third way” between socialism and capitalism, namely socialism. (p. 18).

As the old saw goes, if you would be willing to prostitute your wife to another man for ten million dollars, we have established definitively that you are a pimp and your wife is a prostitute, and all we are haggling over is the price. If you would justify personal property rights being overridden to alleviate some great social evil then in principle the state can expropriate anything you own at its will. The state powerful enough to take from others in order to give us what we want is a state to be feared.

In summary, the Nirvana Myth falls down because personal property rights are not the cause of sin and evil in the world. In fact, inviolable personal property rights have the effect of restraining evil because personal property is effective in building protective walls against the depredations and evils of the predatory. The cause of sin lies elsewhere, in the Garden of Eden, a long time ago.

But the the terrible results of societies that consistently weaken or deny personal property rights have been demonstrated for all to see. When personal property rights are weakened, the predatory become more powerful, and wickedness waxes. The wicked seize or extort property, then use their immoral gains to engage in even more potent, despotic thefts, whilst whispering unctuously in the ears of their rulers, easing their path with the bribe. Finally, the state itself becomes the ultimate predator and oppressor.