Letter from the UK (About Wearable Police)

Booze bracelets? 

Even Orwell did not foresee this dawn of the wearable policeman 

Brendan O’Neill
The Telegraph
July 31, 2014

Even with all their dystopian prescience, Aldous Huxley, George Orwell or Philip K Dick did not foresee a future state that would monitor its citizens’ sweat for signs of deviant, boozy behaviour. I mean, what kind of swirling mind would it take to think up a system whereby citizens would walk around with sweat-reading gadgets attached to them so that anytime they sunk a pint of beer the authorities would be alerted and could take action?

How about the swirling minds of London’s current rulers. Yep, not content with filming our every move on CCTV, and banning the consumption of alcohol on public transport and the smoking of cigarettes pretty much everywhere, London’s behaviour-policers masquerading as politicians are now trialling “booze bracelets” to analyse the perspiration levels of certain offenders and let the powers-that-be know if their sweat shows signs of alcohol. Welcome to the era of the wearable policeman, of the ever-present copper on your cuff monitoring your every move.

Starting life in the US, booze bracelets are hi-tech electronic devices that are attached to the ankle or the wrist and can analyse air and perspiration emissions from the skin. Starting today, they are being trialled in four South London boroughs on offenders who have committed alcohol-fuelled crimes and have thus been banned from drinking.
Every 30 minutes the bracelet will monitor its wearer’s emissions, and then once every 24 hours the bracelet will be connected to the internet so that its readings can be whizzed over to the authorities. If the faceless sweat-analysts on the other side of that internet connection see an alcohol level of more than 0.02 at any time over the previous 24 hours, then a policeman or probation officer will be dispatched to have a word with the wagon-dodging offender in question.

There’s something really off about this techno-micromanagement of individuals’ behaviour – yes, even of offenders’ behaviour. For a start, it sets a potentially terrifying precedent. Why stop at wearable policemen that monitor alcohol levels? Lots of offenders are these days implored to go on anger management courses, having committed crimes while in a pique of rage, so why not introduce wearable devices capable of measuring anger levels through heart rate and blood pressure? Better still, fit such devices with a pacifying drug that could be injected into said angry ex-con whenever he loses the plot, and that way we can cut out the whole visit-from-the-probation-officer thing. Kids done for persistent graffiti crimes – why not get them to wear bracelets that can detect the presence of spraypaint near the skin? There’s currently a discussion about criminalising women who drink during pregnancy and cause measurable harm to their foetuses. How about getting every woman who falls pregnant to wear a booze bracelet so that we can offset the possibility of drink-damaged babies being born?

And of course it never takes long for state-driven authoritarian measures to be adopted by sections of the citizenry, too. Will future parents force their teen offspring to wear booze bracelets, or nicotine necklaces, or marijuana measurers? The possibilities are, tragically, endless. In an era when politicians openly talk about pursuing “the politics of behaviour”, and assume they have the right and the authority to tell us what we should eat, how often we should exercise, where we can smoke and how we should have sex (safely, never with strangers, and ideally not that often), there’s no telling what wearable policemen will be invented next to monitor and perhaps even automatically correct deviant behaviour.

And the other problem with booze bracelets is that they further blur the line between being a convict and being a free man. Sure, some offenders must still be monitored upon release from jail – ideally for a short period of time – but we must also allow them to start living again, to be autonomous and to make decisions about their lives. Maybe a man just out of prison after serving a sentence for his part in a violent drunken brawl fancies a glass of wine over dinner – is that the end of the world? Should he be punished? Or should he only be punished if he goes on to commit another offence? I think it should be the latter. All of us deserve less behaviour-policing and behaviour-modification by the authorities, and even ex-cons shouldn’t have to wear the state on their person, having it automatically measure their every move, foible and failing.

Letter From the UK (About the Gulag)

First Clarkson; now the FA’s Richard Scudamore

The Left’s Language Stasi are on the March

17 May 2014
Breitbart London

Here is a viewpoint I think you ought to read. It’s by someone to whose politically correct idiocies you ought never, ever to have been exposed in your entire life. But unfortunately – a bit like the cockroaches that inherit the earth when the Apocalypse comes – he is the kind of person who is very much part of your new future. So get used to it, Edward Lord and his ilk are here to stay.

Edward Lord has a job you probably never imagined could possibly exist. He is on the Football Association’s Inclusion Advisory Board. And, as you can see from this blogpost, he is currently agitating for the sacking of the FA’s chief executive Richard Scudamore.

If Scudamore doesn’t accept the heinous nature of his sexist remarks and the impact they have had, not only on women in the game, but on the perception they create of football’s commitment to equality and inclusion in general, then regrettably I must reach the conclusion that he may be in the wrong job.

Heinous, eh? Let’s have a look at these “sexist remarks” more closely, shall we, so that we can judge their awfulness for ourselves.
It’s surprisingly hard to find them online. Both Twitter and the various MSM news sites abound with self-righteous harpies and progressive milquetoasts expressing outrage at what Scudamore said. But they seem oddly reluctant to tell us what it was.

So far as I can gather, the scandal concerns some private emails Scudamore exchanged with a lawyer friend called Nicholas West. In one of them, Scudamore ventured to mock “female irrationality.” In another, the men discussed a woman involved in the Premier League’s planning and projects department, whom they nicknamed Edna. Scudamore blokeishly advised West that where Edna was concerned he should: “Keep off your shaft.” West referred to women in another email using the not necessarily flattering term “gash.”
Were the two men’s exchanges demeaning and offensive to women? Well quite possibly but that’s why the men chose to use these phrases in private emails rather than, say, in the Souvenir Issue of the FA Cup Final. Like Clarkson’s “n-word” nursery rhyme, the words were never meant for public consumption. The only reason they got out was because some mole decided that it would be in the public interest for them to be exposed in the media, so that we could all be properly appalled by the dog bites man story that two blokes involved in arguably the most laddish industry on earth – football – talk to one another privately in laddish language.
Well, I think it’s a dog-bites-man story, anyway. I’m trying to think what job Richard Scudamore would have to hold for it not be. Maybe if he were Minister For Women, that would be mildly ironic. Or if he were PA to Polly Toynbee – that would be amusing. Or if he were head of the Campaign for the Abolition of Sexist Language in Emails (Private or Otherwise) – that would definitely make it a goer, I’d say, if I were a news editor.
But “Bloke In Charge of Football Association Uses Sexist Language In Private”? Does anyone claiming to be shocked by this actually know anything about football? I don’t personally. Not a lot. But I do know enough to be aware that footballers are often shockingly overpaid yobs who get up to any number of unconscionable overpaid-young-men antics such as glassing people in night clubs and “kebabbing” groupies in foreign hotels. And that the people who generally follow football can sometimes be a bit laddish and lairy too. So what kind of person, exactly, would you expect to be in charge of the body responsible for regulating this yob’s game? Jeremy Paxman? Stephen Fry?
What we have here, I fear, is yet another scary example of the media being whipped up into confected outrage by the pressure groups of the cultural Marxist left. In the Clarkson case it was the “r” word that was invoked. In this one it happens to be the “s” word, but really whether the charge is “racism” or “sexism” (or “disablism” or “Islamophobia” or “homophobia” or “transphobia”) it all amounts to the same thing. This is part of an ongoing linguistic and socio-political terror campaign designed to create a world in which, not even in private, can anyone engage in unseemly banter.
Why, though, would anyone wish to do such a thing? Well, philosophically it’s part of that Year Zero thing that has long exercised leftists from Pol Pot to Tony (“Britain is a young country”) Blair. But more specifically in this case – see the views of this chap from the FA’s Inclusion Advisory Board, above – it’s about the bizarre ongoing campaign to persuade us all of something we know in our hearts just isn’t true and never will be: that women’s football is as exciting, important, interesting and generally worthy of support as men’s football and that the only reason it’s not is because of society’s ingrained sexism which must be eradicated by whatever means necessary.
This is what’s so ugly and dishonest about the current witchhunt against Scudamore: various vested interests with a political axe to grind – the goalkeeper of the women’s England football team; a woman on the FA board called Heather Rabbatts; etc – are being granted the luxury of taking the moral high ground in support of what is a blatant lie.

Orwellian Prophecies

No Surprises There

All political ideologies, of whatever stripe, seek to control language and vocabulary.  George Orwell portrayed this so powerfully in 1984 and Animal Farm.  He coined the term “newspeak”.  If you can legislate or require certain descriptors or nouns or verbs you can influence the way people think about issues.  You can shape the mind and opinion.

The use of the word “gay” as a noun substituting or replacing “homosexual” or “lesbian” is a classic example of modern newspeak.  Regrettably it has sullied a wonderful English adjective, and we are all the poorer for it.  Sometimes newspeak is so politicised and so connected to a government’s policies an incoming administration will change some of the language of official communication and government administration to reflect its view of reality.

In Australia, the incoming Liberal Coalition is changing some nouns and adjectives used to denote folk arriving on Australian shores by boats (mainly), declaring themselves refugees and seeking asylum.
   The recently defeated Labour government had instructed that illegal arrivals on Australian shores be called “clients” of the administration.  The new government has instructed that they be called “illegals”, “detainees”, or “transferees”.  So, newspeak in this instance has been rolled back to oldspeak.

Regardless of the merits or otherwise of such a change those opposing the reversion are arguing that it dehumanises the boat people.

The chief executive of the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre Kon Karapanagiotidis said the language change was ‘‘profound’’ because it shaped the public debate over asylum seekers who arrived by boat.  ‘‘He’s [the minister] deliberately trying to dehumanise asylum seekers by making them less than human,’’ Mr Karapanagiotidis said.  ‘‘They’re ‘detainees’, not people, and that suggests criminality. And calling people ‘transferees’ suggests they have no rights; they’re a package, a parcel, in transit.’’  (Sydney Morning Herald)

This is silly.  What is best is to use language which is accurate, not misuse it to forge a particular cause for the sake of propaganda.  Calling people “detainees” or “transferees” does not dehumanise people, making them animals.  One can imagine animals rights activists insisting that all farm animals be called “detainees” and those on the way to the abattoirs, “transferees”in an attempt to do the precise opposite–that is, to humanise animals.  Does calling airline passengers changing from one airline or terminal to another “transferees” dehumanise them?  It’s a nonsense.

When we call a prisoner a “criminal” or an “incarcerate” he or she is not being dehumanised.  They are in prison because they are human and have convicted of committing crime.  Animals do not commit crimes.  They are not morally responsible. 

We are all for treating illegal immigrants or economic migrants with the utmost of human dignity.  But that demands and requires, amongst other things,  that we hold them morally accountable for all their actions.

We don’t pretend to know how to deal properly and successfully with the “economic refugee” problem.  But we are very sure of one thing: newspeak is not part of the solution.  It just muddies the waters.  But that is always the intent of newspeak; so, no surprises there. 

Leviathan Stirs

NSA surveillance goes beyond Orwell’s imagination – Alan Rusbridger

Guardian editor says depth of NSA surveillance programs greatly exceed anything the 1984 author could have imagined

The potential of the surveillance state goes way beyond anything in George Orwell‘s 1984, Alan Rusbridger, the Guardian‘s editor-in-chief, told an audience in New York on Monday.

Speaking in the wake of a series of revelations in the Guardian about the extent of the National Security Agency’s surveillance operations, Rusbridger said: “Orwell could never have imagined anything as complete as this, this concept of scooping up everything all the time.

“This is something potentially astonishing about how life could be lived and the limitations on human freedom,” he said.

Read More:

Orwellian Double-Speak in Europe

New Thought Police Warmly Welcomed at  “Civil Liberties” Committee

Posted on | September 20, 2013 
By J.C. von Krempach, J.D.

European Dignity Watch has an interesting report on a recent meeting of the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties (LIBE), in which a lobby group called the “European Council on Tolerance and Reconciliation (ECTR)” was given a 45-minitues slot to present a policy proposal that is called the Framework National Statute for the Promotion of Tolerance.

The group’s approach towards “tolerance” appears to be rather simple: it claims to be promoting “tolerance”, which is vaguely defined as “respect for and acceptance of the expression, preservation and development of the distinct identity of a group”. With regard to potential critics it says: “There is no need to be tolerant to the intolerant (….) especially (…) as far as freedom of expression is concerned”.

It comes as no surprise, then, that the paper contains a lot of proposals how to limit, or even to completely eliminate, the freedom of speech of all potential critics of any of the groups whose acceptance the ECTR wants to promote.
The purpose is to pre-emptively immunize contemporary ideologies, such as feminism, homosexualism, gender ideology, immigration policies, etc. against criticism. The statement that “tolerance must be practiced not only by Governmental bodies but equally by individuals” suggests that the paper envisages that censure and thought control should be extended to the private sphere of citizens.

The proposal is yet another example for the Orwellian technique of turning the meaning of words in to their opposite. In Orwell’s novel, “peace” means war and “freedom” means slavery. In the European Parliament, “tolerance” means intolerance.

I am just wondering: are the Members of the Parliamentary Committee acting in full conscience of what was proposed to them? Or have they just been misled by a nice text of which they did not grasp the full meaning?

Letter From the UK (About US Citizen Surveillance)

The “War on Terror” is Proving to be a War on Citizens

In wartime it is common for civil liberties to erode.  The exigencies of war mean that extraordinary and emergency measures are required to prosecute the conflict.  Often civil liberties are attenuated.  At the very least, the resistance to the state exerting emergency powers over its citizens becomes muted.

Hopefully (and hope is the operative word) at the end of the conflict the greater powers of the state prove to have truly been emergency powers and temporary only.  They are revoked, and civil liberties are restored.  But what happens when the state moves to a permanent state-of-war footing?  George Orwell’s dystopian 1984 shows us one consequence: an alleged state of perpetual war was used as a pretext for totalitarian controls over all citizens (in the name of freedom and liberty, naturally).

The United States has been at war now for decades. 
  It is as close to being in a state of perpetual war that we have seen in the modern period.   The War on Terror is the latest morph.  This gets the United States pretty much into a state of perpetual war for the country.  Terrorists need to be fought, both abroad and at home.  During war, it is the risk of enemy spies in the land which normally provides the justification for greater controls and restrictions of citizens, on the one hand, and of much greater powers of state surveillance, on the other.  Because terrorism is a tactic, not a defined enemy nation against whom Congress has declared war, the possibilities of domestic terrorism and of “combatants” being one’s next door neighbour increase exponentially.  Enemy operatives could be anywhere.  Naturally, the drive to attenuate and remove civil liberties ratchets up considerably.  Naturally, the state surveils its citizens far more comprehensively.

In this regard, The Guardian ran the following piece on US government surveillance of its own citizens.  What was fantastical and unthinkable ten years ago is now normal.  Welcome to the wonderful world of perpetual war.  The US is proving to be an exceptional nation after all.  Well outside the common understanding of what constitutes a free society. 

Are all telephone calls recorded and accessible to the US government?

A former FBI counterterrorism agent claims on CNN that this is the case

Glenn Greenwald
guardian.co.uk, Saturday 4 May 2013

The real capabilities and behavior of the US surveillance state are almost entirely unknown to the American public because, like most things of significance done by the US government, it operates behind an impenetrable wall of secrecy. But a seemingly spontaneous admission this week by a former FBI counterterrorism agent provides a rather startling acknowledgment of just how vast and invasive these surveillance activities are.

Over the past couple days, cable news tabloid shows such as CNN’s Out Front with Erin Burnett have been excitingly focused on the possible involvement in the Boston Marathon attack of Katherine Russell, the 24-year-old American widow of the deceased suspect, Tamerlan Tsarnaev. As part of their relentless stream of leaks uncritically disseminated by our Adversarial Press Corps, anonymous government officials are claiming that they are now focused on telephone calls between Russell and Tsarnaev that took place both before and after the attack to determine if she had prior knowledge of the plot or participated in any way.

On Wednesday night, Burnett interviewed Tim Clemente, a former FBI counterterrorism agent, about whether the FBI would be able to discover the contents of past telephone conversations between the two. He quite clearly insisted that they could:

BURNETT: Tim, is there any way, obviously, there is a voice mail they can try to get the phone companies to give that up at this point. It’s not a voice mail. It’s just a conversation. There’s no way they actually can find out what happened, right, unless she tells them?
CLEMENTE: “No, there is a way. We certainly have ways in national security investigations to find out exactly what was said in that conversation. It’s not necessarily something that the FBI is going to want to present in court, but it may help lead the investigation and/or lead to questioning of her. We certainly can find that out.
BURNETT: “So they can actually get that? People are saying, look, that is incredible.
CLEMENTE: “No, welcome to America. All of that stuff is being captured as we speak whether we know it or like it or not.”

“All of that stuff” – meaning every telephone conversation Americans have with one another on US soil, with or without a search warrant – “is being captured as we speak”.

On Thursday night, Clemente again appeared on CNN, this time with host Carol Costello, and she asked him about those remarks. He reiterated what he said the night before but added expressly that “all digital communications in the past” are recorded and stored. 

Let’s repeat that last part: “no digital communication is secure”, by which he means not that any communication is susceptible to government interception as it happens (although that is true), but far beyond that: all digital communications – meaning telephone calls, emails, online chats and the like – are automatically recorded and stored and accessible to the government after the fact. To describe that is to define what a ubiquitous, limitless Surveillance State is.

There have been some previous indications that this is true. Former AT&T engineer Mark Klein revealed that AT&T and other telecoms had built a special network that allowed the National Security Agency full and unfettered access to data about the telephone calls and the content of email communications for all of their customers. Specifically, Klein explained “that the NSA set up a system that vacuumed up Internet and phone-call data from ordinary Americans with the cooperation of AT&T” and that “contrary to the government’s depiction of its surveillance program as aimed at overseas terrorists . . . much of the data sent through AT&T to the NSA was purely domestic.” But his amazing revelations were mostly ignored and, when Congress retroactively immunized the nation’s telecom giants for their participation in the illegal Bush spying programs, Klein’s claims (by design) were prevented from being adjudicated in court.

That every single telephone call is recorded and stored would also explain this extraordinary revelation by the Washington Post in 2010:

Every day, collection systems at the National Security Agency intercept and store 1.7 billion e-mails, phone calls and other types of communications.

It would also help explain the revelations of former NSA official William Binney, who resigned from the agency in protest over its systemic spying on the domestic communications of US citizens, that the US government has “assembled on the order of 20 trillion transactions about US citizens with other US citizens” (which counts only communications transactions and not financial and other transactions), and that “the data that’s being assembled is about everybody. And from that data, then they can target anyone they want.”

Despite the extreme secrecy behind which these surveillance programs operate, there have been periodic reports of serious abuse. Two Democratic Senators, Ron Wyden and Mark Udall, have been warning for years that Americans would be “stunned” to learn what the US government is doing in terms of secret surveillance.
tia logo Strangely, back in 2002 – when hysteria over the 9/11 attacks (and thus acquiescence to government power) was at its peak – the Pentagon’s attempt to implement what it called the “Total Information Awareness” program (TIA) sparked so much public controversy that it had to be official scrapped. But it has been incrementally re-instituted – without the creepy (though honest) name and all-seeing-eye logo – with little controversy or even notice.

Back in 2010, worldwide controversy erupted when the governments of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates banned the use of Blackberries because some communications were inaccessible to government intelligence agencies, and that could not be tolerated. The Obama administration condemned this move on the ground that it threatened core freedoms, only to turn around six weeks later and demand that all forms of digital communications allow the US government backdoor access to intercept them. Put another way, the US government embraced exactly the same rationale invoked by the UAE and Saudi agencies: that no communications can be off limits. Indeed, the UAE, when responding to condemnations from the Obama administration, noted that it was simply doing exactly that which the US government does:

“‘In fact, the UAE is exercising its sovereign right and is asking for exactly the same regulatory compliance – and with the same principles of judicial and regulatory oversight – that Blackberry grants the US and other governments and nothing more,’ [UAE Ambassador to the US Yousef Al] Otaiba said. ‘Importantly, the UAE requires the same compliance as the US for the very same reasons: to protect national security and to assist in law enforcement.'”

That no human communications can be allowed to take place without the scrutinizing eye of the US government is indeed the animating principle of the US Surveillance State. Still, this revelation, made in passing on CNN, that every single telephone call made by and among Americans is recorded and stored is something which most people undoubtedly do not know, even if the small group of people who focus on surveillance issues believed it to be true (clearly, both Burnett and Costello were shocked to hear this).

Some new polling suggests that Americans, even after the Boston attack, are growing increasingly concerned about erosions of civil liberties in the name of Terrorism. Even those people who claim it does not matter instinctively understand the value of personal privacy: they put locks on their bedroom doors and vigilantly safeguard their email passwords. That’s why the US government so desperately maintains a wall of secrecy around their surveillance capabilities: because they fear that people will find their behavior unacceptably intrusive and threatening, as they did even back in 2002 when John Poindexter’s TIA was unveiled.

Mass surveillance is the hallmark of a tyrannical political culture. But whatever one’s views on that, the more that is known about what the US government and its surveillance agencies are doing, the better. This admission by this former FBI agent on CNN gives a very good sense for just how limitless these activities are.

Shrinking Violets at Auckland University

Free Speech for Us: Proscription For Everyone Else

In Orwell’s satire Animal Farm, “officially” all animal are equal, but some are more equal than others. 

No doubt the Students Association at Auckland university would loudly and proudly proclaim its belief in free speech–which is a form of equality.  In fact there have been recent unruly protests disrupting law abiding activities of other free citizens, leading to arrests of erstwhile Auckland University students.  The shrill cry of protest could be heard all over Albert Park: students have a right to protest and to freedom of speech we were told with megaphonic force. 

However, now it turns out that the Students Association is a living, walking, talking example of what Orwell was pointing out.
  In the collective hive, all speech is free, but some is more free than others.  What possible kinds of speech might the Students Association want to see suppressed?  Speech that offends someone else.  Apparently when one’s cause is approved by the Students Association it has higher free speech rights than something which is opposed.

The particular issue at hand is abortion.  A pro-life group on campus has been doing sterling work, distributing pamphlets opposing abortion.  Some poor folk have taken offence.  They have complained to the Students Association in tears, distraught over the offensive material.  See how real the offence suffered. 

The upshot?  The Students Association, indirectly funded involuntarily by all students, is planning on muzzling the pro-life group by de-affiliating them as a campus organization.  All speech is free, but some is definitely more free than others at Animal Farm.  This from Stuff:

An anti-abortion club at Auckland University may be disaffiliated after students complained about being harassed by its members.  Auckland University Student Association president Arena Williams has called for a special general meeting next month, which could see ProLife Auckland being barred from associating itself with the university.

An announcement for the meeting said the association would consider whether the “Prolife Club be disaffiliated for propagating harmful misinformation [sic]”. “Recently we’ve received complaints from students after [ProLife Auckland] handed out fliers at the campus,” said Williams.”On the fliers there was information which some felt was pressuring them into making different decisions than they normally would.” 

OK.  So let’s get this right.  Information has been disseminated ( that is, “spoken” in written form) to persuade people to a certain course of action.  Some feel their contrary position is being threatened.  They might now make a different choice.  So, under this “threat” the offending speech must be suppressed.  Spare us.  How pathetic, ignorant, and childish.  But wait–it’s the normal operating rules for those who operate in the collective hive of the Borg. 

The “Right to Know” flier carries the slogan: “Hands up if you’ve heard this before: ‘Abortion is a safe, simple medical procedure’.”  Williams said it was “quite uncommon” for clubs to be disaffiliated, but said ProLife wasn’t being treated unfairly.  “The complaints we received were serious because it was about spreading information which could be harmful to student health. “They were using something which was seen to skew peoples’ views and had included information that had no medical grounds.” 

Oh, this sounds bad.  Medical misinformation.  It could be harmful and dangerous.  Ban all that literature promoting cannibal use: it might be harmful.  When the Student President was asked how the offensive literature might be considered harmful, however, the President got all coy.

Williams said it was not appropriate for her to say how the distributed information was harmful.   “I think the issue is serious because the people who complained were being affronted. “Some of the people they were handing out fliers to had already been through the horrible experience of having an abortion, so it’s very, very concerning.” 

Clearly very, very, very concerning. Very. 

Imagine one of the in-favour anti-war organizations upon the campus passing out pamphlets condemning New Zealand’s participation in the war of Western aggression in Afghanistan, alleging that it was nothing short of murder, the unjustified slaughter of other human beings.  Imagine a student whose brother had been in the NZ SAS and had been killed in Afghanistan being deeply offended and distressed.  Imagine that student complaining to the Students Association.  How “concerned” would the Student President be?  Not at all we reckon.  Instead she would have got up upon her bully pulpit and fulminated against all those who would dare assail free speech rights. 

Williams said Pro Life was trying to “drum up interest in debate”, and while freedom of expression was valued, the problem lies in how the message was conveyed.

 Puleeeze.  Meanwhile, the ProLife President had it exactly right.

ProLife Auckland president Amy Blowers said the club had not been told about the meeting and that the pamphlet was “fairly reserved” in that it featured no images or inflammatory comments. “We’re actually quite shocked that our club is being targeted with such extreme action as disaffiliation,” she said. “If this in response to the Right to Know pamphlet, then this is very troubling because it means that the AUSA is not very supportive of freedom of expression at the University of Auckland.” 

Yup, some speech is more equal than others down on Animal Farm.  

>Douglas Wilson’s Letter From America

>

Touching Sensitive Areas, or TSA For Short

Culture and Politics Politics
Written by Douglas Wilson   
Monday, November 29, 2010   

Here are some points to keep in mind as the controversy about the TSA wends it way through our various news cycles and perhaps, let us hope, into a bill in the new Congress.

1. It does the old heart good to see people get riled up with government incompetence and . . . what’s the word I am looking for? Nincompoopery, I believe that’s it.

I do not say this as one who believes that the radical Muslim threat is tiny. I think that I actually take it more seriously that our government does. If they were worried about terrorists, they would be looking for terrorists, and not for my nail clippers. Their procedures are risible, their hubris astounding, their reasons justifying that hubris minimal, and their folly incandescent.

To illustrate: Remember the first phase of this imbroglio where the government had to back down — back when they were running pilots through their drill? They were checking pilots for excessive amounts of shampoo in insulting ways, right before said pilots sat down in the cockpits of the big, flying bombs? The takeway lesson here is that if you want us to believe that you are taking the war on terror seriously, you have to stop fighting it like idiots.

2. We are being told that we must surrender some of our liberties because we are in a war on terror. I see. And when is this war likely to end, and will we, or our grandchildren, or great grandchildren, get our liberties back at that time? Ah, I thought not. The war on Eastasia goes on and on and on, or so the Ministry of Truth informs us. Perpetual war justifies perpetual sacrifices, does it not? And when we have become accustomed to the sacrifices that perpetual war requires, which apparently amounts to a willingness to be herded instead of governed, and Eurasia eventually conquers our beloved Oceania, will they encounter a freedom-loving people, prepared by the long war for some real resistance to the invaders? Ah, I thought not. You cannot fight a genuine long war by making your people docile. You can, however, fight a charade war that way.

The conservative case for just war, as opposed to the national-greatness case for it, is clear. Identify the enemy, declare an objective, make sure the objective is just, achieve that objective, and get the heck out.
Some might object that my invocation of Orwell above is overblown, but if Orwell were to come back now, what do you think he would be more shocked by — the number of cameras all over the UK or the number of people who had read his book and yet did not see any connection?

3. It appears that it was more important for the TSA to not let any protests get traction than it was to catch bad guys this last Thanksgiving holiday. I read that a bunch of the new scanners were not in use, and therefore opting out of them would not cause newsworthy dislocations. And speaking of opting out, I would suggest that any travelers who are concerned about this issue should opt out — if you get the pat down, you know exactly what you are getting, and can serve as a witness of the whole transaction. But if somebody off in another room is getting his jollies by looking at your daughters, you have no idea and cannot serve as a witness, except as a witness to the general degrading spectacle. Also, if you opt out, I would have a small slip of paper that you can hand to the person who hunting on your person for threats to our nation’s liberties. It should read something like:

“My need to travel should not be taken as my consent to the unconstitutionality of warrantless searches of my person and my possessions. I am accepting this process under protest.”

And you should make sure your phone is set on record.

4. Informal survey: from family traveling this week, it appears that the number of travelers was unusually light for the days just before Thanksgiving — partially full flights, and that kind of thing. I would be interested to hear if anybody else had a similar experience or not. And I am sure somebody can figure out how to get the raw numbers on many people flew last Wednesday, as oppposed to previous years. It would be interesting to discover if the opt-out protest was not successful because a large number of people opted out of flying at all.

5. So then, let’s talk about political correctness and sexuality for a moment. As it stands, the ladies are patted down by women, and the men by men. Could we agree then, that lesbians and homosexual men ought to pat down nobody? They can’t pat down members of the opposite sex without a badge saying, “It’s okay, I’m homosexual,” and they shouldn’t be able to pat down members of the same sex for obvious reasons. Now this is the moment in the discussion when your opponent draws himself up to his full height, and says, “This is outrageous. These are hard-working, trained professionals and . . .”

“Trained professionals, you say?”
“Yes,” they say.
“Nothing sexual about it?, you ask.
“Nothing whatever,” they reply.
“Okay,” you answer, “let’s have everybody pat down everybody then. Trained professionals, you know.”
“Oh, we couldn’t do that. It would be upsetting to the sensibilities of too many travelers.”

Right. Like you care about that.

6. Not satisfied with having their panties in a wad, they are now trying to help us rearrange our panties. There needs to be a way for a civilized people to say, “Back off, perv,” and not have to then worry about being frogmarched out of the airport, and fined for maintaining your decency.

7. This issue has legs, and this is a good reason for writing about it. If it has legs, then one of the things we can do to make air travel dignified again is to make sure it keeps those legs. Tell stories, circulate stories, write about it. Like here, for instance.

8. Why are the supposed great lions of civil liberties silent about this? Where is the ACLU? [Update: I stand adjusted on this one. See comments.] When the Bush administration wanted to have computers analyze cell phone chatter under the Patriot Act (which Obama extended), there were howls from the predictable quarters. So when the Bush administration wants to analyze that great heap of ones and zeros that constitutes a sludge pile of inviting cell phone data, they go nuts, but when the Obama administration wants to go through our skivvies, they fall silent?

And just for the record, I don’t like Republicans without warrants anymore than I like Obama without one.

9. Extend the logic for this lunatic way of fighting terrorism, and see how you like it. In a free society, crowds gather in more places than in airports. And when they gather, they are vulnerable to anybody with a bomb, an automatic weapon, or a canister of poison gas. Make a short list — malls, football games, concerts, etc. If the TSA imbecility is sound with regard to airports, then the first successful attempt on life at some public event (as was attempted a few days ago at a Christmas tree lighting ceremony in Portland) will necessitate nude scanners and pat downs at city squares, subways, bus stations, train stations, basketball games, etc. When they are done securing our liberties, we can all rest easy. The radical Muslims can never get at our liberties now. We don’t have them anymore. Our liberties are in a box in a TSA warehouse, along with 10,000 nail clippers.

So if such security measures are not consistent with life in a free society on the ground, then they are not consistent with life in a free society in the air. We need to do something differently. As in completely differently, and I don’t mean changing the color of the TSA uniforms. We need to spend all that money on hunting terrorists. We should be looking for certain kinds of people, not certain kinds of objects.

10. You cannot reason with bureaucracies. You can only stand on their oxygen hose, which I suggest. The new House can defund the TSA. They are going to be looking for areas to make budget cuts anyway — two birds with one appropriations measure. So to speak.

But the reason why politicans hate to do things like that is because covering your rear end is expensive — as your doctor could tell you as he is ordering a bunch of unnecessary medical tests because tort reform has not yet occurred. Politicians in this case don’t want to defund the TSA just in case someone afterwards highjacks a plane with a weapon cunningly fashioned out of three pair of nail clippers. And then his opponent can say that the incumbent voted against the Transportation Safety Administration. This is the kind of thing that makes politicians wake up with the night sweats. And so what they want is not security for you, but plausible security theater for themselves and their campaigns. Always remember that this is very expensive security theater, and not security.

So this is why politicians will usually cast a courageous vote only when three hundred thousand people are holding their hand, and patting the back of it. Let’s help them out.

>Animal Farm

>Still Banned in Many Places

A new edition of Animal Farm is about to be published. To signify the event, The Guardian has published a thoughtful and appreciative review by Christopher Hitchens. He documents how Orwell came to write it and the great difficulty in getting it published. This priceless satirical work did not go down well with the received wisdom of the time.

We republish the review in full. It contains much important material. Hitchens himself remains a deeply troubled man whom God alone can save. His sarcastic railings against the Living God and His Christ are notorious. He persists in standing illicitly upon the foundations of the Christian faith in order to attack it. He is the most inconsistent of atheistic critics, precisely because he is so deeply ingrained with, and affected by, the truths of Scripture.

This is no more evident than at the end of his review when he acknowledges Orwell’s debt and respect for England’s protestant revolution and his love of Milton’s stand “By the known rules of ancient liberty”. Surely Hitchens, should be remain uncloaked by the righteousness of Christ, will stand before God at the last day without excuse. Meanwhile, enjoy the excellent review.

Christopher Hitchens re-reads Animal Farm

Still outlawed by regimes around the world, Animal Farm has always been political dynamite – so much so, it was nearly never published. Christopher Hitchens on George Orwell’s timeless, transcendent ‘fairy story’

Donkey and pigs from the 1954 film Animal Farm. Photograph: Halas & Batchelor

Animal Farm, as its author later wrote, “was the first book in which I tried, with full consciousness of what I was doing, to fuse political purpose and artistic purpose into one whole”. And indeed, its pages contain a synthesis of many of the themes that we have come to think of as “Orwellian”. Among these are a hatred of tyranny, a love for animals and the English countryside, and a deep admiration for the satirical fables of Jonathan Swift. To this one might add Orwell’s keen desire to see things from the viewpoint of childhood and innocence: he had long wished for fatherhood and, fearing that he was sterile, had adopted a small boy not long before the death of his first wife. The partly ironic subtitle of the novel is “A Fairy Story”, and Orwell was pleased when he heard from friends such as Malcolm Muggeridge and Sir Herbert Read that their own offspring had enjoyed reading the book.

Like much of his later work – most conspicuously the much grimmer Nineteen Eighty-Four – Animal Farm was the product of Orwell’s engagement in the Spanish civil war. http://rcm.amazon.com/e/cm?t=jtertullian&o=1&p=8&l=bpl&asins=0452284244&fc1=000000&IS2=1&lt1=_blank&m=amazon&lc1=0000FF&bc1=000000&bg1=FFFFFF&f=ifrDuring the course of that conflict, in which he had fought on the anti-fascist side and been wounded and then chased out of Spain by supporters of Joseph Stalin, his experiences had persuaded him that the majority of “left” opinion was wrong, and that the Soviet Union was a new form of hell and not an emerging utopia. He described the genesis of the idea in one of his two introductions to the book:

. . . for the past ten years I have been convinced that the destruction of the Soviet myth was essential if we wanted a revival of the socialist movement. On my return from Spain I thought of exposing the Soviet myth in a story that could be easily understood by almost anyone . . . However, the actual details of the story did not come to me for some time until one day (I was then living in a small village) I saw a little boy, perhaps ten years old, driving a huge carthorse along a narrow path, whipping it whenever it tried to turn. It struck me that if only such animals became aware of their strength we should have no power over them, and that men exploit animals in much the same way as the rich exploit the proletariat.I proceeded to analyse Marx’s theory from the animals’ point of view.

The simplicity of this notion is in many ways deceptive. By undertaking such a task, Orwell was choosing to involve himself in a complex and bitter argument about the Bolshevik revolution in Russia: then a far more controversial issue than it is today. Animal Farm can be better understood if it is approached under three different headings: its historical context; the struggle over its publication and its subsequent adoption as an important cultural weapon in the cold war; and its enduring relevance today.

The book was written at the height of the second world war, and at a time when the pact between Stalin and Hitler had been replaced abruptly by an alliance between Stalin and the British empire. London was under Nazi bombardment, and the manuscript of the novel had to be rescued from the wreckage of Orwell’s blitzed home in north London.

The cynical way in which Stalin had switched sides had come as no surprise to Orwell, who was by then accustomed to the dishonesty and cruelty of the Soviet regime. This put him in a fairly small minority, both within official Britain and among the British left.

With a few slight alterations to the sequence of events, the action approximates to the fate of the 1917 generation in Russia. Thus the grand revolutionary scheme of the veteran boar Old Major (Karl Marx) is at first enthusiastically adopted by almost all creatures, leading to the overthrow of Farmer Jones (the Tsar), the defeat of the other farmers who come to his aid (the now-forgotten western invasions of Russia in 1918–19) and the setting up of a new model state. In a short time, the more ruthless and intelligent creatures – naturally enough the pigs – have the other animals under their dictatorship and are living like aristocrats.

Inevitably, the pigs argue among themselves. The social forces represented by different animals are easily recognisable – Boxer the noble horse as the embodiment of the working class, Moses the raven as the Russian Orthodox church – as are the identifiable individuals played by different pigs. The rivalry between Napoleon (Stalin) and Snowball (Trotsky) ends with Snowball’s exile and the subsequent attempt to erase him from the memory of the farm. Stalin had the exiled Trotsky murdered in Mexico less than three years before Orwell began work on the book.

Some of the smaller details are meticulously exact. Due to the exigencies of the war, Stalin had made various opportunistic compromises. He had recruited the Russian Orthodox church to his side, the better to cloak himself in patriotic garb, and he was to abolish the old socialist anthem “The Internationale” for being too provocative to his new capitalist allies in London and Washington. In Animal Farm, Moses the raven is allowed to come croaking back as the crisis deepens, and the poor exploited goats and horses and hens are told that their beloved song “Beasts of England” is no longer to be sung.

There is, however, one very salient omission. There is a Stalin pig and a Trotsky pig, but no Lenin pig. Similarly, in Nineteen Eighty-Four we find only a Big Brother Stalin and an Emmanuel Goldstein Trotsky. Nobody appears to have pointed this out at the time (and if I may say so, nobody but myself has done so since; it took me years to notice what was staring me in the face).

It is sobering to consider how close this novel came to remaining unpublished. Having survived Hitler’s bombing, the rather battered manuscript was sent to the office of T S Eliot, then an important editor at Faber & Faber. Eliot, a friendly acquaintance of Orwell’s, was a political and cultural conservative, not to say reactionary. But, perhaps influenced by Britain’s alliance with Moscow, he rejected the book on the grounds that it seemed too “Trotskyite”. He also told Orwell that his choice of pigs as rulers was an unfortunate one, and that readers might draw the conclusion that what was needed was “more public-spirited pigs”. This was not perhaps as fatuous as the turn-down that Orwell received from the Dial Press in New York, which solemnly informed him that stories about animals found no market in the US. And this in the land of Disney . . .

The wartime solidarity between British Tories and Soviet Communists found another counterpart in the work of Peter Smollett, a senior official in the Ministry of Information who was later exposed as a Soviet agent. Smollett made it his business to warn off certain publishers, as a consequence of which Animal Farm was further denied a home at the reputable firms of Victor Gollancz and Jonathan Cape. For a time Orwell considered producing the book privately with the help of his radical Canadian poet friend, Paul Potts, in what would have been a pioneering instance of anti-Soviet samizdat or self-publishing. He even wrote an angry essay, entitled “The Freedom of the Press”, to be included as an introduction: an essay which was not unearthed and printed until 1972. Eventually the honour of the publishing business was saved by the small company Secker & Warburg, which in 1945 brought out an edition with a very limited print-run and paid Orwell £45 for it.

It is thinkable that the story might have ended in this damp-squib way, but two later developments were to give the novel its place in history. A group of Ukrainian and Polish socialists, living in refugee camps in post-war Europe, discovered a copy of the book in English and found it to be a near-perfect allegory of their own recent experience. Their self-taught English-speaking leader and translator, Ihor Sevcenko, found an address for Orwell and wrote to him asking permission to translate Animal Farm into Ukrainian. He told him that many of Stalin’s victims nonetheless still considered themselves to be socialists, and did not trust an intellectual of the right to voice their feelings. “They were profoundly affected by such scenes as that of animals singing ‘Beasts of England’ on the hill . . . They very vividly reacted to the ‘absolute’ values of the book.” Orwell agreed to grant publication rights for free (he did this for subsequent editions in several other eastern European languages). It is affecting to imagine battle-hardened ex-soldiers and prisoners of war, having survived all the privations of the eastern front, becoming stirred by the image of British farm animals singing their own version of the discarded “Internationale”, but this was an early instance of the hold the book was to take on its readership. The emotions of the American military authorities in Europe were not so easily touched: they rounded up all the copies of Animal Farm that they could find and turned them over to the Red Army to be burnt. The alliance between the farmers and the pigs, so hauntingly described in the final pages of the novel, was still in force.

But in the part-acrimonious closing scene, usually best-remembered for the way in which men and pigs have become indistinguishable, Orwell predicted, as on other occasions, that the ostensible friendship between east and west would not long outlast the defeat of nazism. The cold war, a phrase that Orwell himself was the first to use in print, soon created a very different ideological atmosphere. This in turn conditioned the reception of Animal Farm in the US. At first rejected at Random House by the communist sympathiser Angus Cameron, it was rescued from oblivion by Frank Morley of Harcourt, Brace, who while visiting England had been impressed by a chance encounter with the novel in a bookshop in Cambridge.

Publication was attended by two strokes of good fortune: Edmund Wilson wrote a highly favourable review for the New Yorker, comparing Orwell’s satirical talent to the work of Swift and Voltaire, and the Book-of-the-Month Club made it a main selection, which led to a printing of almost half a million copies. The stupidity of the Dial Press notwithstanding, the Walt Disney company came up with a proposal for a film version. This was never made, though the CIA did later produce and distribute an Animal Farm cartoon for propaganda purposes. By the time Orwell died in January 1950, having just finished Nineteen Eighty-Four, he had at last achieved an international reputation and was having to issue repeated disclaimers of the use made of his work by the American right wing.

Probably the best-known sentence from the novel is the negation by the pigs of the original slogan that “All Animals Are Equal” by the addition of the afterthought that “Some Animals Are More Equal than Others”. As communism in Russia and eastern Europe took on more and more of the appearance of a “new class” system, with grotesque privileges for the ruling elite and a grinding mediocrity of existence for the majority, the moral effect of Orwell’s work – so simple to understand and to translate, precisely as he had hoped – became one of the many unquantifiable forces that eroded communism both as a system and as an ideology. Gradually, the same effect spread to Asia. I remember a communist friend of mine telephoning me from China when Deng Xiaoping announced the “reforms” that were to inaugurate what we now know as Chinese capitalism. “The peasants must get rich,” the leader of the party announced, “and some will get richer than others.” My comrade was calling to say that perhaps Orwell had had a point after all. Thus far, Animal Farm has not been legally published in China, Burma or the moral wilderness of North Korea, but one day will see its appearance in all three societies, where it is sure to be greeted with the shock of recognition that it is still capable of inspiring.

In Zimbabwe, as the rule of Robert Mugabe’s kleptocratic clique became ever more exorbitant, an opposition newspaper took the opportunity to reprint Animal Farm in serial form. It did so without comment, except that one of the accompanying illustrations showed Napoleon the dictator wearing the trademark black horn-rimmed spectacles of Zimbabwe’s own leader. The offices of the newspaper were soon afterwards blown up by a weapons-grade bomb, but before too long Zimbabwean children, also, will be able to appreciate the book in its own right.

In the Islamic world, many countries continue to ban Animal Farm, ostensibly because of its emphasis on pigs. Clearly this can not be the whole reason – if only because the porcine faction is rendered in such an unfavourable light – and under the theocratic despotism of Iran it is forbidden for reasons having to do with its message of “revolution betrayed”.

There is a timeless, even transcendent, quality to this little story. It is caught when Old Major tells his quiet, sad audience of overworked beasts about a time long ago, when creatures knew of the possibility of a world without masters, and when he recalls in a dream the words and the tune of a half-forgotten freedom song. Orwell had a liking for the tradition of the English Protestant revolution, and his favourite line of justification was taken from John Milton, who made his stand “By the known rules of ancient liberty”. In all minds – perhaps especially in those of children – there is a feeling that life need not always be this way, and those malnourished Ukrainian survivors, responding to the authenticity of the verses and to something “absolute” in the integrity of the book, were hearing the mighty line of Milton whether they fully understood it or not

Postscript: we understand that Orwell died an unrepentant socialist, maintaining a naive faith in the collective’s ability to rise above or escape the corruptions of human nature he so powerfully parodied. He passed, therefore, also testifying both mutely and profoundly to the spiritual blindness of the unregenerate soul.